Ferdinand  I  of  Bulgaria 


THE  NEAR  EAST 
FROM  WITHIN 


BY 


ILLUSTRATED 


NEW  YORK 
E.  P.  DUTTON  &  COMPANY 

681  FIFTH  AVENUE 


Published  1918 
by  e.  p.  dutton  &  company 

All  Rights  Reserved 


Printed  tn  the  United  States  of  America 


>- 

CO 


PREFACE 

IT  has  so  happened  that  many  years  of  my  life 
have  been  spent  in  the  by-paths  of  European 
poHtics.  At  times  a  silent  observer,  not  seldom 
a  mere  cog  in  the  great  wheel,  or  again,  entrusted 
with  operations  of  diplomatic  moment,  circum- 
stances made  me  acquainted  with  the  mysteries  and 
under-currents  of  political  life  and  of  diplomatic  in- 
trigue in  many  parts  of  the  world.  Latterly,  things 
which  I  did  not  understand  seem  to  have  become 
clear.  Events,  the  significant  purport  of  which  I 
did  not  earlier  realise,  r^jw  stand  out  vivid  and 
strong  from  the  chambers  of  my  memory.  Trifles 
have  become  invested  with  prime  importance. 

When  the  war  broke  out  it  seemed  my  duty  to 
remain  silent.  It  were  of  little  avail  to  add  to  the 
bitterness  and  hatred  which  sounded  on  every  hand. 
Yet  I  had  many  a  debate  with  myself  as  to  how  far 
loyalty  demanded  a  veiling  of  matters  which,  once 
made  known,  would  throw  into  truer  focus  the 
inner  history  of  the  Balkan  and  allied  Eastern 
troubles,  and  their  root  causes,  during  the  last 
twenty  years. 

Rightly  or  wrongly,  I  arrived  at  the  decision  that 
my  greater  duty  was  to  mankind  rather  than  to  a 
man. 


v^r-jii  t^ 


PREFACE 

Hence  these  impressions  of  Eastern  affairs  as 
observed  in  the  course  of  my  passing  from  capital 
to  capital,  and  as  told  me  by  one  or  other  of  certain 
people  who  were  active  in  propagating  the  influ- 
ence of  their  respective  Governments. 

Whether  I  shall  succeed  in  capturing  the  interest 
of  the  reader  is  not  for  me  to  say.  The  only  thing 
which  I  can  assure  those  who  read  the  pages  that 
follow  is,  that  whereas  they  perhaps  may  find  sev- 
eral matters  to  shock  or  distress,  they  will  not  come 
across  any  that  are  consciously  exaggerated. 


CONTENTS 

CHAPTSX  PAGE 

I  Sultan  Abdul  Hamid:  His  Personality  and 

Policy i 

II   Life  in  Constantinople 29 

III  Sultan  Mohammed  V 38 

IV  Enver  Pasha 52 

V  Russian  Influence  in  Constantinople      .  64 

VI  German  Prestige  in  the  Near  East     .     .  74 

VII  Ambassadors  at  the  Sublime  Porte      .     .  88 

VIII  The  Sheikh-ul-Islam  and  Religious  Fanat- 
icism         I02 

IX  Khedive  Abbas  Hilmi 109 

X  Emperor  William  II.  and  the  Tsar      .     .  119 

XI  King  Carol  OF  Roumania 127 

XII   Impressions  of  Bucharest 140 

XIII  The  German  Emperor  at  Konopischt  .     .  150 

XIV  Servia  in  the  'Eighties 157 

XV  Alexander  of  Servia  and  Queen  Draga  .  168 

XVI  Servia  under  King  Peter 179 

XVII   A  Russian's  Opinion 190 

XVIII  Rival  Influences  in  Greece      ....  198 

vii 


CONTENTS 


Vlll 
CHAPTER 

XIX  The  Failure  of  German  Intrigue  in  Mon 

TENEGRO 


XX  Tsar  Ferdinand  of  Bulgaria 
XXI  The  History  of  a  Conversion 
XXII   The  Persuading  of  Turkey  . 
XXIII  Egypt  in  the  Balance.     .     . 


PAGE 

206 

218 
227 

236 
24s 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS 
Ferdinand  I.  of  Bulgaria Frontispiece 

FACING 
PAGE 

Sultan  Abdul  Hamid 8 

Sultan  Mohammed  V 40 

Sultan  Hussein  Kemal  of  Egypt 114 

Khedive  Abbas  Hilmi 118 

Carol  I.  of  Roumania 130 

Ferdinand  I.  of  Roumania 136 

Peter  I.  of  Servia 180 

Prince  George  of  Servia 184 

Crown  Prince  Alexander  of  Servia 188 

Constantin  I.  OF  Greece 200 

George  I.  of  Greece 204 

Nicholas  I.  of  Montenegro 210 


ix 


THE  NEAR  EAST  FROM  WITHIN 


THE  NEAR  EAST   FROM 
WITHIN 


CHAPTER  I 

SULTAN  ABDUL  HAMID:   HIS  PERSONALITY  AND 
POLICY 

IN  my  goings  to  and  fro  among  the  cities  of 
Europe  it  was  my  lot  to  visit  Constantinople 
on  several  occasions.  The  first  time  was  in 
1888,  and  by  good  fortune  I  saw  Abdul  Hamid  the 
very  next  day  after  my  arrival — one  Friday — dur- 
ing his  weekly  visit  to  the  Mosque.  Certain  friends 
of  mine  secured  for  me  a  place  whence  I  could  see 
this  ceremony  of  the  Selamlik,  as  the  procession 
of  the  Sultan  is  called. 

Promptly  at  the  arranged  hour  we  arrived  at 
the  little  landing-place  of  Beshiktash,  close  by  the 
mosque  of  the  same  name.  This  landing-stage  is 
quite  small,  but  has  the  advantage  of  being  near  to 
Yildiz  Kiosk,  the  home  of  the  Sultan.  We  were 
received  by  a  master  of  ceremonies,  who  placed  at 
our  disposal  a  private  room,  forming  part  of  a 
guard-house.  From  this  vantage-point  we  could 
see  the  procession  as  it  defiled  past  our  windows 
into  the  square  which  fronts  the  mosque. 


2       THE  NEAR  EAST  FROM  WITHIN 

It  was  a  pompous  sight,  not  devoid  of  quaint- 
ness,  but  far  less  Oriental  than  I  had  been  led  to 
imagine.  The  Sultan  himself  was  riding  a  white 
horse  harnessed  in  Eastern  style,  but  he  was  so 
surrounded  by  eunuchs,  guards,  and  high  officials 
that  I  could  scarcely  catch  a  glimpse  of  his  impas- 
sive, dark  face.  As  he  was  leaving  the  mosque, 
however,  I  had  better  fortune.  He  stood  for  a  few 
minutes  on  its  threshold,  gazing  at  the  troops  which 
marched  before  him  with  an  earnest,  severe  ex- 
pression in  his  eyes  that  irresistibly  attracted  my 
attention. 

Abdul  Hamid  did  not  impress  me  as  either  pre- 
possessing or  imposing,  for  his  figure  was  bent  and 
there  was  little  regality  in  his  countenance.  But 
for  all  that,  his  was  one  of  those  faces  that  can- 
not fail  to  seize  upon  the  imagination.  There  was 
such  a  sense  of  power,  such  a  conviction  of  an  un- 
limited right  of  life  and  death  over  those  who  sur- 
rounded him,  that  even  strangers  unaware  of  his 
identity  seldom  mistook  him  for  anyone  else  than 
the  Sultan. 

It  has  often  been  said  that  Abdul  Hamid  was 
a  tyrant.  I  do  not  believe  it.  He  lacked  the  back- 
bone of  a  tyrant.  He  could  be  guilty  of  surpassing 
cruelty,  but  more  from  the  continually  haunting 
fear  of  assassination  than  from  inherent  wicked- 
ness. 

His  early  impressions  had  been  utterly  sad,  and 
the  first  years  of  his  life — spent,  as  they  had  been, 


AMONG  THE  PEROTES  3 

in  semi-imprisonment — had  made  him  naturally  dis- 
trustful of  everybody  and  everything. 

I  learned  more  of  the  Sultan's  earlier  history 
from  my  circle,  some  of  whom  had  spent  many 
years  in  Pera.  Pera  is  that  part  of  the  city  in 
which  the  embassies  are  situated,  and  where  the 
foreign  population  find  habitation  as  distinct  from 
the  native  Turks,  who  congregate  in  and  about 
Stamboul,  on  the  other  side  of  the  Golden  Horn. 
For  some  ethnological  reason,  as  if  Constantinople 
were  off  the  map  of  Europe,  Pera  is  called  the  Eu- 
ropean quarter — the  Christian  quarter  would  be 
more  correct. 

In  the  pleasant  days  of  my  first  visit,  while  idling 
in  Perean  drawing-rooms,  or  sight-seeing  in  Stam- 
boul or  Galata,  or  venturing  across  the  Bosphorus 
to  explore  Scutari,  many  things  were  told  me  about 
Abdul.  My  own  observation,  too,  on  this  and  the 
only  other  visit  I  paid  to  the  Sublime  Porte  in  his 
reign  gave  me  added  insight  into  Abdul's  character. 

When  he  became  Sultan  he  early  became  obsessed 
with  the  idea  that  it  was  necessary  to  resort  to  any 
measures,  however  questionable,  to  keep  his  throne. 
Though  his  education  had  been  neglected,  he  had 
considerable  natural  intelligence,  with  which  he 
combined  a  cunning  such  as  the  East  alone  can 
produce. 

He  was  a  clever  politician,  but  he  had  neither 
patriotic  nor  noble  instincts.  He  gave  one  the  im- 
pression that  the  fate  of  Turkey  was  a  matter  of 
profound  indifference  to  him  beside  that  of  his  own 


4       THE  NEAR  EAST  FROM  WITHIN 

future.  Abdul  well  knew  that  the  security  of  his 
throne  depended  on  the  position  his  country  would 
be  able  to  maintain,  as  well  as  on  the  measure  of 
its  development  amid  the  various  intrigues  that  per- 
meated every  aspect  of  life  in  the  Ottoman  Empire. 

Above  everything  else,  so  one  who  for  years  was 
in  the  confidence  of  the  Sultan  told  me,  he  would 
have  preferred  a  quiet  life  in  the  privacy  of  his 
harem.  That  he  could  not  do  so  proved  a  source 
of  continual  dissatisfaction  and  sorrow,  but  never- 
theless it  was  not  idle  regret ;  rather,  it  caused  him 
to  give  considerable  attention  to  European  affairs. 
Events  showed  very  clearly  to  those  behind  the 
scenes  how  ingeniously  he  contrived  to  arrange 
things  in  such  a  way  that  his  alliance  and  co-opera- 
tion came  to  be  sought  after.  Abdul  Hamid  was 
clever  enough  to  see  what  really  lay  under  many 
of  the  protestations  of  friendship  about  which  he 
heard  so  much  from  certain  European  Powers.  He 
realised  that  such  attempts  to  approach  him  or  to 
obtain  his  help  proceeded  rather  from  the  desire  to 
win  an  advantage  of  some  kind  than  from  the  wish 
to  cultivate  good  relations  with  him  or  with  his 
government. 

With  this  reeling  in  his  mind,  Abdul  adjusted 
his  actions  accordingly,  and  treated  any  advances 
with  a  craftiness  that  ended  in  his  being  distrusted 
by  nearly  every  European  Power  and  despised  by 
every  European  Sovereign  almost  without  excep- 
tion. 

At  the  same  time,  by  the  mere  fact  of  his  occupa- 


ABDUL,  AN  ENIGMA  5 

tion  of  the  throne  of  Mahmoud  11.  and  of  the  great 
Suleiman,  he  was  one  of  the  most  important  royal 
personages  of  the  Continent.  This  factor  was  one 
apt  to  be  lost  sight  of,  the  more  easily  because  there 
existed  the  feeling  that  his  tenancy  of  the  throne 
would  be  short.  Abdul  Hamid  himself,  to  a  high 
degree,  shared  the  feeling  that  he  was  destined  to 
be  overthrown  by  a  palace  revolution  of  the  kind 
which  had  hurled  his  predecessors  from  the  throne 
into  a  prison  whence  they  never  more  emerged 
alive.  He  knew  that  stability  was  the  one  thing 
which  he  lacked,  and  so  he  thought  he  could  replace 
it  by  tyranny.  He  failed  to  realise  that  tyranny 
also  breeds  revolution. 

To  me,  and  probably  to  most  other  people,  Abdul 
Hamid  was  an  enigma.  His  character  was  truly 
Oriental,  as  I  had  reason  to  experience  personally, 
and  not  the  least  of  his  mannerisms  was  his  con- 
sistent concealment  of  his  true  thoughts.  Few 
even  among  the  people  who  saw  him  daily  and  in 
whom  he  appeared — outwardly,  at  least — to  con- 
fide, ever  guessed  what  was  really  in  his  mind.  He 
carried  this  quality  so  far  that  he  succeeded  in  hid- 
ing from  everyone  the  fact  that  he  knew  the  French 
language  to  perfection. 

In  this  way  Abdul  Hamid  was  able  later  on  to 
pretend  that  what  foreign  ambassadors  told  him 
had  not  been  properly  interpreted,  or,  again,  that 
he  had  not  grasped  the  proper  meaning  of  com- 
munications made  to  him. 

This  fact  is  one  of  far  more  importance  in  the 


6   THE  NEAR  EAST  FROM  WITHIN 

turnings  of  Fate  than  at  first  becomes  apparent. 
Not  unlikely  Europe  would  have  been  spared  vexa- 
tious or  even  bloody  complications  had  not  the  wili- 
ness  of  Abdul  in  this  direction  led  him  to  be  hoist 
with  his  own  petard.  I  had  it  from  the  lips  of 
Baron  Marschall  von  Bieberstein  himself  that,  so 
far  as  he  knew,  the  only  person  who  perceived  the 
deception  was  the  Emperor  William  II.,  who,  whilst 
on  his  visit  to  Constantinople,  during  an  interview 
which  he  had  with  the  Sultan,  suddenly  sent  away 
the  interpreter,  and  then,  turning  on  his  discomfited 
host,  bluntly  told  him  that  they  had  better  discuss 
alone  what  they  had  to  say,  because  he  knew  very 
well  that  they  could  understand  each  other  without 
any  outside  help. 

Abdul  Hamid  was  so  taken  by  surprise  that  he 
could  not  find  words  to  deny  the  assertion,  and  it 
was  only  when  the  conversation  came  to  an  end  that 
he  begged  his  guest  not  to  reveal  to  others  the  secret 
he  had  penetrated.  The  reply  was  typical  of  the 
Emperor:  "You  may  rest  quiet  as  to  that  point," 
he  said.  'Tt  is  far  more  to  my  interest  than  to 
yours  that  the  world  should  think  you  do  not  under- 
stand French,  and  that,  in  consequence,  you  were 
unable  to  discuss  politics  with  me." 

I  have  mentioned  the  incident  because  it  throws 
a  certain  light  on  subsequent  events.  The  Com- 
mander of  the  Faithful  and  the  all-powerful  Kaiser 
had  learned  to  gauge  each  other's  strength  and  to 
realise  that  an  alliance  might  in  time  bring  about 
great  events.     But  in  this  game  the  advantage  re- 


ELUSIVE  SIGNS  OF  PROGRESS         7 

mained  for  a  long  while  on  the  side  of  Abdul 
Hamid,  who  knew  to  a  nicety  how  to  use  his  posi- 
tion to  advantage.  He  constantly  played  Germany 
against  Russia  and  Russia  against  England,  and  in 
that  way  obtained  considerable  loans — which  he 
used  for  his  personal  extravagances  more  often 
than  for  his  country's  needs. 

It  is  a  tribute  to  his  skill  in  playing  the  game  of 
politics  on  the  chessboard  of  Europe  that  almost 
invariably  we  discovered  that,  whenever  he  was 
threatened  by  a  conspiracy  at  home  or  by  aggres- 
sion from  abroad,  Abdul  had  contrived  that  one  or 
other  of  the  great  Powers  should  interfere  on  his 
behalf. 

Looking  backward  over  the  reign  of  Abdul 
Hamid,  the  conclusion  of  the  historian  would  doubt- 
less be  that  Turkey  had  retained  its  political  impor- 
tance during  his  tenure  of  the  throne,  but  had 
shown  a  palpable  intellectual  decline.  The  Young 
Turk  movement  and  initial  impetus  for  the  eman- 
cipation of  women  were  only  elusive  signs  of  prog- 
ress, and  in  reality  meant  little  in  the  way  of  na- 
tional enlightenment.  The  police  effectually  barred 
progress  on  the  road  of  civilisation  and  of  culture. 
Ambition  was  an  unknown  quantity,  because  there 
was  daily  the  danger  of  becoming  a  victim  of  the 
secret  police,  whose  sway  was  the  more  formidable 
in  that  it  was  the  only  institution  in  the  Ottoman 
Empire  which  could  not  be  bought  or  sold,  owing 
to  the  fact  that  it  was  controlled  entirely  by  the 


8       THE  NEAR  EAST  FROM  WITHIN 

Sultan,  who  reserved  to  himself  the  sole  right  to 
dispose  of  people  who  fell  under  his  displeasure. 

Every  morning  the  official  in  charge  of  this  im- 
portant department  reported  at  Yildiz  Kiosk  v/hat 
had  taken  place  in  Constantinople  during  the  pre- 
ceding twenty-four  hours.  Especially  was  this  ac- 
tivity displayed  in  the  foreign  and  diplomatic  quar- 
ters, and  also  in  regard  to  certain  progressive  Turk- 
ish families.  The  number  of  secret  executions  that 
took  place  during  the  reign  is  generally  credited  to 
be  enormous ;  quite  often  a  man  or  woman  suddenly 
vanished,  after  having  gone  out  for  a  walk,  or 
whilst  making  a  call.  Abdul  Hamid  believed  that 
the  best  way  to  render  his  enemies  harmless  was  to 
annihilate  them  at  once.  Before  he  came  to  the 
throne  he  had  witnessed  so  many  palace  conspir- 
acies, been  present  at  the  discussion  of  so  many 
plots  against  the  Sovereign  of  the  day,  that  perhaps 
it  is  not  to  be  wondered  that  he  always  expected 
to  find  a  foe  lurking  behind  some  curtain  in  order 
to  assassinate  him. 

The  precautions  with  which  the  Sultan  sur- 
rounded himself  at  Yildiz  Kiosk  were  altogether 
extraordinary.  Quite  by  chance  one  day  I  happened 
upon  a  jealously  guarded  secret,  one  which,  I  be- 
lieve, has  never  until  now  been  made  public.  I  refer 
to  the  curious  fact  that  the  head  of  his  ser- 
vice of  secret  spies  and  bodyguards  was  a  German 
ex-detective,  whose  mission  it  had  been  in  previous 
years  to  watch  over  the  safety  of  the  Emperor  Wil- 
liam I.    The  prophets  have  it  that  William  II.  rec- 


MARSCHALL  VON  BIEBERSTEIN       9 

ommended  him  to  Abdul  Hamid  during  the  visit  to 
which  I  have  already  alluded.  So  long  as  that  man 
remained  at  his  post,  not  one  of  the  many  plots 
against  the  Sultan  succeeded.  This  prince  of  secret 
agents  died  shortly  before  the  culmination  of  the 
conspiracy  which  hurled  Abdul  from  his  throne. 

There  is  little  doubt  that  when  William  II.  paid 
his  visit  to  Constantinople  he  hoped  to  persuade  the 
Sultan  to  enter  into  an  alliance  with  Germany.  He 
did  not  succeed ;  partly  because  he  displayed  far  too 
much  eagerness,  thus  giving  the  Turkish  Govern- 
ment an  inflated  idea  of  its  own  influence  since  its 
co-operation  was  so  pertinaciously  sought  by  the 
monarch  whom  they  believed  to  be  the  most  power- 
ful in  Europe.  Another  element  in  the  failure  of 
William  II.  was  that  Abdul  Hamid  wisely  inferred 
that  it  might  be  more  profitable  to  see  whether  he 
could  not  secure  better  conditions  elsewhere. 

It  was  most  amusing  to  watch  the  details  of  this 
game  of  diplomatic  chess.  By  thus  playing  off  one 
embassy  against  another,  the  Ottoman  monarch 
gained  years  of  quietness,  and  in  a  certain  degree 
afforded  greater  facilities  for  expansion  and  de- 
velopment to  his  people  than  he  could  have  done 
under  different  conditions.  When  the  Serbs  or  Bul- 
garians annoyed  the  Turkish  Empire,  when  Eng- 
land clamoured  for  some  concession  of  a  commer- 
cial nature,  when  Russia  threatened  an  invasion  of 
Asia  Minor,  the  Sultan  sent  for  the  particular  am- 
bassador accredited  at  his  Court,  and  contrived  to 
smooth  over  the  difficulty  which  had  arisen,  mostly 


lo     THE  NEAR  EAST  FROM  WITHIN 

by  promising  something.  If  matters  became  des- 
perate, he  appealed  to  his  good  friend  William  II., 
who  seemed  to  think  it  his  imperative  duty  to  watch 
over  the  welfare  of  the  Turk. 

In  the  meantime  minor  matters — or,  at  least, 
what  in  the  eyes  of  Abdul  were  of  minor  impor- 
tance— such  as  the  concession  of  the  Bagdad  Rail- 
way, were  granted  to  the  enterprising  Teutons. 
And  more  valuable  still,  the  German  Ambassador, 
Baron  Marschall  von  Bieberstein,  contrived  to 
gain  the  confidence  of  Abdul  Hamid,  and  fondly 
believed  that  thereby  he  had  established  himself  as 
the  paramount  voice  in  his  councils. 

Baron  A/[arschall  von  Bieberstein  was  perhaps 
the  one  man  in  the  whole  world  who  was  absolutely 
instructed  as  to  the  real  aims  of  the  policy  pursued 
by  William  II.,  and  I  have  always  held  the  opinion 
that  it  was  partly  upon  his  advice  that  the  Emperor 
adopted  the  attitude  toward  the  world  at  large 
which  so  successfully  led  people  astray  as  to  his 
ultimate  object. 

Clever,  insinuating  in  spite  of  his  gruff  manners 
and  love  for  plain  speaking.  Baron  von  Marschall 
was  the  most  profound  student  of  human  nature  it 
has  ever  been  my  fortune  to  meet.  He  could  gauge 
the  moral  and  intellectual  worth  of  a  man  with  un- 
erring accuracy  after  only  a  few  moments'  conver- 
sation with  him.  He  had  fathomed  at  once  the  cow- 
ardice, barbarity,  and  Eastern  cunning  which  made 
up  the  real  Abdul  Hamid.  He  understood  admir- 
ably how  to  play  upon  these  qualities  as  occasion 


A  MAN  OF  PASSIONS  ii 

required.  More  than  that,  he  had  managed  to  se- 
cure secret  allies  in  the  very  precincts  of  Yildiz 
Kiosk.  I  will  not  say  that  the  representatives  of 
other  Powers  had  not  also  succeeded  in  securing 
interested  influence  and  sources  of  private  infor- 
mation and  advice,  but  it  always  seemed  to  me  that 
in  this  respect  the  Baron  had  outdistanced  other 
diplomatic  workers.  There  was  not  only  the  police 
agent  of  whom  I  have  already  spoken,  but  also  the 
chief  eunuch,  and,  too,  a  favourite  slave  of  the 
Padishah,  a  Christian  girl  who  had  unbounded  in- 
fluence over  him,  principally  on  account  of  the  en- 
mity with  which  the  other  inhabitants  of  the  harem 
regarded  her. 

The  mention  of  this  woman  tempts  me  to  dwell 
upon  the  undoubted  fact  that  in  the  Ottoman  Em- 
pire political  exigencies  are  at  the  mercy  of  the 
merest  incident  and  swayed  too  often  by  the  inner 
currents  of  Turkish  life  which  are,  and  will  long 
remain,  impenetrable  mysteries  to  the  foreigner. 

Apart  from  his  love  of  money,  Abdul  Hamid  had 
no  other  great  passions.  Sensual  like  all  Orientals, 
he  did  not  care  for  women  beyond  the  brutal  satis- 
faction which  he  derived  from  their  possession. 
Love  was  unknown  to  him,  and  yet  he  fell  under 
the  influence  of  the  woman  just  referred  to,  who 
contrived  to  worm  herself  into  his  entire  confidence 
and  to  become  his  associate  in  many  plans  and  many 
designs.  Well  educated,  exceedingly  clever  and  in- 
triguing, this  Christian  woman  whom  circum- 
stances had  thrown  into  the  Imperial  Harem  was 


12     THE  NEAR  EAST  FROM  WITHIN 

but  too  glad  to  take  part  in  a  political  conspiracy 
of  magnitude.  Up  to  a  certain  point  she  became 
a  pawn  in  the  diplomatic  game  played  by  Baron 
Marschall  von  Bieberstein,  being  in  some  measure 
associated  with  him  in  the  attempts  which  he  made 
to  secure  Abdul  Hamid's  acquiescence  in  the  plans 
of  the  Emperor  William  II. 

To  a  man  of  the  perception  of  Baron  von  Mar- 
schall it  was  not  difficult  to  discover  what  a  precious 
ally  this  woman  could  be.  For  the  purpose  of  this 
narrative  we  will  call  her  Amina.  Bieberstein  flat- 
tered her,  made  her  lavish  presents,  flashed  brilliant 
prospects  before  her  eyes,  and  even  allowed  Amina 
to  think  that,  should  Turkey  enter  thoroughly  into 
the  plans  of  Germany,  she  would  find  herself 
strongly  supported  in  her  ambition  to  be  recognised 
as  the  only  legitimate  wife  of  Abdul  Hamid. 

Other  diplomats  had  attempted  to  approach  her; 
among  others.  Count  Corti,  who  for  a  good  many 
years  held  the  post  of  Italian  Ambassador  at  Con- 
stantinople, and  who  had  been  the  first  to  realise 
the  power  of  the  harem  to  decide  the  most  mo- 
mentous questions.  All  the  efiforts  of  these  gentle- 
men failed  utterly;  Amina  refused  to  listen  to  them. 
Baron  von  Marschall's  tactics  were  different:  he 
first  discovered  who  were  the  Turkish  ladies  ad- 
mitted to  the  intimacy  of  the  harem,  and  induced 
one  of  them  to  represent  him  as  an  admirer  of 
Amina.  Then  one  day  he  arranged  matters  so  that 
he  found  himself  in  the  bazaar  bargaining  over 
some  carpets  and  turquoises,  at  the  same  moment 


THE  ETERNAL  FEMININE  13 

as  the  Sultan's  favourite.  A  liberal  baksheesh  dis- 
tributed to  the  eunuchs  who  accompanied  Amina, 
and  to  the  Persian  in  whose  shop  they  were  per- 
mitted to  remain  alone  for  a  few  minutes,  he  forth- 
with told  the  young  inmate  of  the  Imperial  Harem 
that  he  had  heard  so  much  about  her  that  he  felt 
sure  she  would  respond  to  his  appeal  and  use  her 
influence  over  the  Sultan,  which  he  knew  was  great, 
to  induce  Abdul  to  accept  certain  promises  w^hich 
emanated  from  Berlin. 

The  recital — told  me  with  every  evidence  of  truth 
and  borne  out  by  circumstances  within  my  own 
knowledge — continues  that  he  pictured  the  brilliant 
results  that  would  accrue,  the  power  that  would  be- 
come Abdul's,  and  incidentally  Amina's,  if  they 
allowed  his  master  William  II.  to  help  Turkey  re- 
establish once  more  the  wide  sway  of  Mohammed- 
anism. Amina  fell  into  the  snare,  and  hencefor- 
ward Germany  secured  a  powerful  ally  in  the  im- 
mediate surroundings  of  the  Sultan,  one  who,  too, 
kept  von  Marschall  regularly  informed  of  what  was 
asked  of  the  Sultan  and  of  what  he  planned  to  do. 
Through  the  knowledge  so  gained  the  German  dip- 
lomat was  able  to  win  Abdul  Hamid  over  to  his 
opinion  or  to  secure  his  endorsement  of  some  secret 
action  the  Baron  had  received  instructions  from 
Berlin  to  recommend. 

These  private  messages  emanated,  not  from  the 
Foreign  Office,  but  from  the  Emperor  William  him- 
self in  holograph  letters  which  were  forwarded  by 
special  messengers.    On  one  occasion,  when  a  com- 


14     THE  NEAR  EAST  FROM  WITHIN 

munication  of  more  than  usual  moment  had  arrived, 
Abdul  Hamid,  persuaded  by  Amina,  consented  to 
receive  Baron  Marschall  von  Bieberstein  in  the  dead 
of  the  night.  This  confidential  interview  led  to 
great  things,  because  from  that  day  Germany  be- 
came a  palpable  factor  in  Turkish  politics  and  ad- 
ministration. 

For  a  number  of  years  certain  German  military 
officers  had  been  "on  leave"  in  Constantinople.  In 
this  way,  in  1883,  von  der  Goltz  laid  the  foundation 
of  the  work  with  which  in  later  years  his  name  was 
to  be  associated — the  remodelling  on  German  lines 
of  the  Ottoman  army.  Various  missions  also  had 
been  to  and  fro.  It  was  noticeable,  however,  that 
after  the  appointment  of  Baron  von  Marschall  less 
secrecy  attached  to  German  operations,  that  the  re- 
organisation of  the  Turkish  army  under  the  aus- 
pices of  officers  of  Teutonic  origin  was  conducted 
with  greater  zeal,  and  was  submitted  to  with  less 
reluctance  by  the  Mohammedan  commanders. 

When  this  work  of  training  the  army  after  Eu- 
ropean methods  was  first  undertaken  by  Germany 
it  was  carried  out  with  indifferent  success.  The 
German  officers  were  not  enamoured  of  their  task, 
and  allowed  their  impatience,  if  not  contempt,  of 
Moslem  soldiers  to  be  seen.  On  the  other  hand,  or 
perhaps  as  a  result  of  this  attitude,  the  rank  and 
file  of  the  Turkish  army  proved  distinctly  hostile 
to  European  discipline.  The  whole  problem  was 
beset  with  difficulty.  The  Turks  of  that  day  re- 
sented being  commanded  by   a   Christian  officer. 


LOST  OPPORTUNITIES  15 

Moslems  did  not  believe  in  European  tactics,  and 
the  Turkish  miHtary  leaders  did  not  relish  being 
ordered  about  by  a  newcomer  and  a  foreigner  at 
that. 

When  the  war  with  Greece  took  place  it  was  seen, 
however,  that  German  influence  had  given  the 
Turkish  army  a  power  previously  lacking.  Never- 
theless the  army  complained  that  the  so-called  re- 
forms had  not  given  them  a  speedier  and  easier 
victory. 

As  was  to  be  expected,  too,  all  this  time  France 
and  England  continually  combated  the  activity  of 
the  Grerman  military  mission  through  their  respect- 
ive ambassadors ;  and,  what  with  one  thing  and  an- 
other, the  great  Teutonic  effort  to  capture  a  domi- 
nating influence  in  Turkey  seemed  to  collapse  into 
insignificance,  though  I  must  say  that  England  shut 
her  eyes  persistently  to  the  state  of  affairs  and  was 
singularly  apathetic  just  at  the  moment  her  great 
opportunity  arose. 

The  inner  reason  for  this  decline  of  Teutonic  in- 
fluence was  that  the  German  mission  had  never  been 
properly  supported  by  Abdul  Hamid,  who  at  that 
time  was  in  reality  still  hesitating  as  to  which  side 
he  ought  to  take.  There  was  a  moment  when  it 
would  have  been  easy  to  bring  him  under  French 
influence,  but  Russia  either  did  not  understand  or 
else  would  not  accept  the  hints  which  were  made  to 
her  to  declare  herself  openly  as  antagonistic  to  Ger- 
man influence.  At  the  period  to  which  I  refer  the 
Franco-Russian  alliance  was  still  in   its  infancy. 


i6     THE  NEAR  EAST  FROM  WITHIN 

Count  de  Montebello,  the  French  Ambassador  at 
Petrograd — or  Petersburg  as  it  was  then — who, 
from  the  fact  that  he  had  been  for  some  years  in  the 
same  capacity  at  Constantinople,  had  a  wide  expe- 
rience of  both  Turkey  and  the  Sultan,  did  not  attach 
sufficient  importance  to  the  possibility  of  German 
influence  becoming  paramount  in  the  councils  of 
Abdul.  He  therefore  treated  with  indifference  the 
efforts  made  by  William  II.  to  acquire  a  solid  foot- 
ing on  the  Bosphorus. 

This  capital  mistake  of  a  man  who  ought  to  have 
known  better  led  ultimately  to  the  loss  of  French 
prestige  in  Turkey,  whilst  the  successive  British 
Ambassadors  in  that  country  did  not  perceive  the 
gradual  weakening  of  the  significance  to  the  Turk 
of  English  power  and  England's  position  as  the 
greatest  Moslem  monarchy  in  the  world.  Though 
at  the  time  being  it  was  not  recognised,  this  fact 
was  to  have  appalling  consequences. 

In  those  distant  days,  when  Germany  was  first 
putting  forth  her  efforts  to  get  Turkey  under  her 
influence,  many  people  wondered  at  the  persistent 
interest  which  the  German  Emperor  took  in  all  mat- 
ters concerning  the  military  development  of  Tur- 
key. Not  a  few  wondered  what  induced  him  to 
show  himself  so  well  disposed  toward  a  nation 
which  was  evidently  in  the  last  stage  of  decay. 

One  day,  after  my  return  from  Constantinople, 
I  was  at  a  diplomatic  social  gathering — those  con- 
venient events  where  one  can  make  arrangements 
without  a  prying  world  wondering  why  So-and-so 


"MEDDLING  ENGLAND"  17 

called  upon   another   So-and-so — when   a   certain 

Princess  L exchanged  confidences  with  me.    I 

told  her  much  of  Constantinople  and  its  intrigues 
— much  that  did  not  matter,  and  she  responded  with 
vivacious  gossip  of  the  same  calibre.  But  some  of 
her  words  I  have  never  forgotten,  because  they  an- 
swered a  question  which  had  long  been  in  my  mind. 

I  had  ventured  to  comment  upon  the  mystery  of 
the  friendship  that  was  becoming  apparent  with 
Turkey,  when  the  Princess,  with  a  laugh,  said  that 
I  was  trying  to  throw  dust  in  her  eyes,  but  that  it 
was  of  no  use,  for  she  herself  had  heard  the  Em- 
peror tell  her  husband  that  he  was  not  an  admirer 
of  the  Sultan,  but  he  was  the  one  man  in  the 
world  who  would  prove  the  most  useful  to  Ger- 
many later  on. 

He  explained,  continued  Princess  L ,  that 

"Germany  has  far  too  many  enemies  for  me  to  feel 
quiet  respecting  the  years  to  come.  Our  naval  su- 
premacy is  disputed  by  England  as  well  as  by 
France,  and  our  uncle  Edward,  whenever  he  be- 
comes King,  which  let  us  hope  will  not  be  so  soon, 
will  try  his  best  to  excite  our  enemies  against  us. 
Under  these  circumstances  it  would  be  to  our  ad- 
vantage to  have  Turkey  on  our  side,  if  only  on  ac- 
count of  the  diversion  which  she  might  be  induced 
to  make  by  an  incursion  into  Egypt,  which  she 
would  give  much  to  snatch  from  under  the  Eng- 
lish yoke.  This  would  keep  meddling  England  oc- 
cupied, and  after  all  this  is  what  we  want.  If  you 
think  over  all  this  you  will  then  perhaps  share  my 


i8     THE  NEAR  EAST  FROM  WITHIN 

opinion  that  the  Sultan  as  well  as  the  welfare  of 
Turkey  cannot  remain  indifferent  to  me." 

It  was  at  this  juncture  that  Baron  Marschall  von 
Bieberstein  was  appointed  to  Constantinople  in  Oc- 
tober, 1897.  Many  people  saw  a  significance  in  the 
fact  that  the  ex-Secretary  for  Foreign  Affairs 
should  take  this  diplomatic  post  so  soon,  but  two 
months  after  the  signing  of  the  Franco-Russian 
agreement,  and  were  satisfied  that  it  was  a  counter 
move  to  any  possible  revival  of  Russian  influence 
at  the  Sublime  Porte  which  the  Tsar  might  feel  in- 
clined to  attempt  now  that  he  had  the  possibility  of 
French  aid. 

In  sending  von  Marschall  to  Constantinople  the 
German  Emperor  evinced  his  discernment.  The  in- 
fluence of  the  new  ambassador  was  not  long  in 
making  itself  manifest  in  an  improved  feeling.  He 
was  not  looked  upon  with  favour  at  Yildiz  during 
the  first  days  of  his  tenure  of  the  embassy,  but  he 
speedily  caused  Abdul  to  change  his  attitude,  in 
which  he  was  aided  by  assurances  from  Berlin  that 
he  was,  as  it  were,  a  very  fine  fellow  indeed.  Once 
he  had  removed  Abdul's  aloofness,  the  Baron 
sought  to  gain  a  friendly  footing,  and  cast  about 
him  to  discover  persons  likely  to  be  amenable  to 
suggestions  of  reciprocation  for  aiding  him  in  his 
desire. 

One  of  the  outcomes  of  this  delicate  inquiry  was 
von  Marschall's  friendliness  with  Amina,  which 
was  brought  about  in  the  manner  already  related. 


A  WARNING  TO  RUSSIA  19 

and  was  an  asset  of  considerable  value  in  his  diplo- 
matic intrigues. 

Just  prior  to  the  deposition  of  Abdul  Hamid  this 
tool  of  the  German  Ambassador  was  the  heroine 
of  an  exciting  adventure,  in  which  one  of  the  Ger- 
man Emperor's  personal  letters  narrowly  escaped 
falling  into  the  hands  of  the  last  persons  William 
11.  would  have  wished  to  learn  its  contents.  It 
would  undoubtedly  have  been  discovered  by  the 
Young  Turks  had  it  not  been  for  the  presence  of 
mind  of  Amina,  who  hastily  seized  it  from  under 
the  cushion  where  it  had  been  hidden,  and  managed 
to  throw  it  into  a  fire  at  the  very  moment  the  door 
of  the  sleeping  apartment  which  she  shared  with 
Abdul  Hamid  was  being  forced.  Later  on  she  con- 
trived to  have  William  II.  apprised  of  what  she  had 
done,  and  was  handsomely  rewarded  for  her  prompt 
action. 

It  would,  indeed,  have  been  most  awkward  for 
the  German  Emperor  had  the  contents  of  this  letter 
been  revealed,  because  it  would  have  stood  in  direct 
opposition  to  some  negotiations  which  he  had  un- 
dertaken against  Abdul  Hamid,  who  had  so  long 
persisted  in  the  vacillating  attitude  which  he  had 
believed  to  be  so  clever  that  at  last  William  II.  had 
found  out  that  he  was  being  made  a  fool  of.  There- 
upon he  turned  toward  the  Young  Turk  party,  in 
whom  he  had  thought  it  likely  he  would  find  more 
honest  allies. 

At  that  precise  moment  the  subterranean  activi- 
ties of  Baron  von  Marschall,  who  had  all  along 


20     THE  NEAR  EAST  FROM  WITHIN 

warned  the  Sultan  that  a  conspiracy  of  a  formidable 
nature  was  being  hatched  against  him,  had  drawn 
the  attention  of  a  very  intelligent  Serb.  This  man 
himself  had  played  a  part  of  no  little  importance  in 
the  political  disturbances  of  his  own  country.  But 
this  by  the  way;  to  return,  he  had  seen  through 
Bieberstein's  diplomacy,  and,  returning  from  Tur- 
key, had  warned  the  Russian  Government  of  the 
German  intrigues  that  were  going  on  at  Constanti- 
nople. He  argued  that  the  ultimate  issue  of  these 
undercurrents  was  the  conclusion  of  a  defensive 
and  offensive  alliance  between  Germany  and  the 
Ottoman  Empire.  The  great  bait  for  the  Sultan 
was  that  thereby  he  might  regain  Egypt  and  Ba- 
toum,  together  with  the  fortress  of  Kars  in  Ar- 
menia. William  II.,  on  his  part,  professed  to  be 
satisfied  by  the  certainty  that,  with  the  Sultan  as 
his  ally,  should  ever  war  break  out  between  Ger- 
many and  Russia,  the  latter  would  find  her  com- 
merce in  the  Black  Sea  paralysed. 

The  Servian  politician  to  whom  I  have  referred 
had  seen  through  that  game,  but,  unfortunately,  his 
warning  to  Petersburg  had  been  disregarded.  He 
was  treated  as  a  visionary  who  took  for  reality  the 
product  of  a  disordered  imagination.  For  the  Ger- 
mans it  was  a  good  stroke  of  destiny  that  the  one 
man  who  guessed  the  real  nature  of  the  aim  pur- 
sued by  William  II.  had  been  treated  as  a  madman. 
Meanwhile  German  propaganda  at  the  Sublime 
Porte  was  temporarily  obscured,  while  other  po- 
litical events  engrossed  the  attention  of  the  worlds 


THE  YOUNG  TURKS  21 

and  gradually  Turkey  came  to  be  considered  as  a 
dangerous  element  only  on  account  of  possible  com- 
plications which  the  development  of  those  different 
Slav  States  she  had  persecuted  in  long  bygone  ages 
might  precipitate.  Her  fate  seemed  to  be  sealed, 
financially  at  least,  and  her  enemies  looked  upon 
the  final  disintegration  of  the  Ottoman  Empire  as  a 
foregone  conclusion. 

In  the  meantime,  unknown  to  all  but  the  few 
prime  movers,  the  reorganisation  of  her  different 
institutions  had  begun,  and  Turkey  was  given  to 
understand  that  if  only  she  persevered  in  improv- 
ing her  military  power  she  might  yet  prove  in  time 
a  formidable  surprise  to  those  who  had  already  dis- 
counted her  death  and  disappearance  from  the  po- 
litical arena. 

In  saying  that  this  was  done  in  such  secrecy  that 
the  world  did  not  suspect,  I  am  not  quite  correct. 
A  small  circle  in  Turkey  guessed  that  something 
important  was  going  on. 

Out  of  this  nebulous  feeling  of  unrest  the  Young 
Turk  party  sprang  into  vigorous  life.  It  had  ex- 
isted for  years  in  a  less  formidable  way  and  con- 
ducted a  well-concealed  campaign  for  the  introduc- 
tion under  its  aegis  of  truly  progressive  methods  of 
government.  Before  long  the  party  had  some  of 
the  most  important  political  men  in  the  country  on 
its  side,  and  the  movement  was  viewed  with  sym- 
pathy among  all  ranks  of  the  army.  Abdul's  tenure 
of  the  throne  was  not  opposed,  but  the  corrupt  ad- 
ministration;  indeed,  at  one  moment  it  was  pro- 


22     THE  NEAR  EAST  FROM  WITHIN 

jected  to  induce  the  Sultan  to  lead  the  Constitu- 
tional party  to  final  triumph.  Abdul  Hamid,  how- 
ever, was  not  the  man  to  accept  such  a  situation, 
and  very  soon  the  energy  with  which  he  tried  to 
break  the  power  of  the  Committee  of  Union  and 
Progress,  as  the  Young  Turks  called  their  execu- 
tive, made  him  more  enemies  than  ever. 

Things  were  in  this  condition  of  seething  unrest 
in  Constantinople  when  Enver  Bey  sprang  into 
prominence.  An  incident  about  which  I  shall  have 
something  to  say  later  on  had  made  him  acquainted 
with  Baron  von  Marschall,  who  very  quickly  recog- 
nised the  ambition  that  lay  lurking  behind  the  smile 
of  this  future  hero  of  one  of  the  most  important 
revolutions  of  modern  times.  The  Baron  soon  in- 
vited the  Bey  to  his  house  and  made  friends  with 
him,  inducing  him  to  talk  about  the  feelings  nour- 
ished among  the  army  in  regard  to  the  Sultan. 
When  he  ascertained  that  a  strong  party  existed 
who  wished  to  get  rid  of  Abdul  Hamid,  he  asked 
Enver  Bey  quite  brusquely  whether  he  w^ould  not 
undertake  to  head  a  revolution  tending  to  dispossess 
the  Sultan  of  a  crown  which  he  was  wearing 
neither  with  dignity  nor  with  valour. 

Enver  Bey  was  no  fool,  and  at  first  turned  a  deaf 
ear  to  the  German  Ambassador.  Curiously  enough, 
while  Enver  was  debating  what  course  to  adopt,  it 
got  to  Hamid's  ears  that  he  was  promoting  another 
conspiracy  against  the  life  of  the  Sultan. 

Abdul  Hamid  lost  no  time  in  acting,  and  on  the 
strength  of  the  advice  tendered  to  him  he  ordered 


ABDUL'S  BIG  MISTAKE  23 

the  arrest  of  Enver  Bey.  Enver,  however,  had  been 
warned  of  his  impending  fate  by  none  other  than 
Baron  von  Marschall  himself,  who  evidently  be- 
lieved it  wise  to  have  friends  everywhere.  Enver 
Bey  evaded  arrest,  but  the  road  to  further  dignities 
and  honour  was  thereby  closed.  He  was  dismissed 
from  his  regiment  and  condemned  to  death.  Such 
treatment  was  bitterly  resented  by  Enver  Bey  as 
no  reason  for  the  degradation  was  given,  and  he 
never  learned  that  his  downfall  was  through  the 
false  accusation  of  conspiracy  conveyed  through 
Amina  to  the  Sultan.  He  thereafter  nourished  in 
his  heart  a  slumbering  feeling  of  vindictive  ani- 
mosity which  only  needed  the  opportunity  to  burst 
forth  into  active  operation  against  his  Sovereign. 
From  his  retreat  in  Asia  Minor  he  plotted  with 
friends  in  Constantinople,  of  whom  he  had  plenty, 
to  enter  into  a  real  conspiracy  against  Abdul 
Hamid,  whom  it  was  at  first  intended  to  put  to 
death  without  further  ceremony. 

I  know  personally,  however,  that  Baron  von  Mar- 
schall, who  had  been  kept  faithfully  informed  of 
all  that  was  going  on,  demurred  to  this.  The  life 
of  the  Sultan  was  to  be  spared,  and  on  no  account 
was  he  to  be  molested  beyond  the  fact  of  his  deposi- 
tion. The  orders  of  the  Emperor  William  were 
precise  as  to  this  point,  and  only  on  that  condition 
the  Baron  consented  to  furnish  the  conspirators 
with  the  money  they  required  to  put  into  execution 
their  intentions.  He  was  quite  willing  to  dispossess 
Abdul  Hamid  of  his  throne,  but  he  did  not  intend 


24     THE  NEAR  EAST  FROM  WITHIN 

to  lose  him  as  an  important  trump  in  the  game 
which  he  knew  his  master  was  playing. 

The  revolution  took  place,  but  not  before  Amina 
had  been  secretly  warned  to  put  aside  whatever  ob- 
jects of  value,  such  as  money  and  jewels,  which  she 
possessed,  all  of  which  were  taken  for  safety  to  the 
German  Embassy. 

The  great  mistake  made  by  Abdul  Hamid,  and 
to  which  ultimately  he  owed  his  fall,  was  that  he 
failed  to  perceive  that  Eastern  cunning  could  not 
succeed  for  ever.  He  had  become  so  unpopular  in 
his  own  country  and  among  his  own  subjects  that 
he  could  no  longer  hope  to  hold  his  crown  unless  he 
resorted  to  some  help  from  outside,  and  by  his  own 
shiftiness  he  had  dammed  the  sources.  With  all  his 
unmistakable  political  abilities  he  was  but  an 
Oriental  despot.  Unfortunately  for  him,  the  nation 
over  which  he  ruled  was  tired  of  despots,  though 
it  might  have  felt  contented  under  an  absolute  sov- 
ereign such  as  is  referred  to  in  the  Koran  and  whom 
Islam  had  worshipped  in  past  ages.  Abdul  had 
imagined  that  in  order  to  consolidate  his  position 
he  must  inspire  terror;  but,  instead  of  terror,  he 
only  secured  the  hatred  and  contempt  of  his  people. 

His  nature  was  a  curious  mixture  of  boldness  of 
mind  and  conception,  and  fear  at  some  unknown 
and  dreadful  fate  which  he  ever  felt  was  hovering 
over  him  and  his  race.  Avaricious  to  an  extent  that 
has  not  been  sufficiently  appreciated,  he  hastened, 
as  soon  as  he  was  warned  by  Baron  Marschall  von 
Bieberstein  that  a  conspiracy  was  being  hatched 


ARREST  OF  ABDUL  HAMID  25 

against  him,  to  put  in  a  place  of  safety  as  much  as 
he  could  of  the  treasures  and  money  he  had 
amassed,  and  to  this  day  in  two  German  banks  con- 
siderable sums  are  lying  to  his  credit  about  which 
few  of  those  he  trusts  have  any  idea  and  which 
his  enemies  have  so  far  failed  to  discover.  It  is  a 
curiously  illuminating  insight  into  Eastern  fatalism 
that  he  never  thought  of  providing  for  his  own 
safety  beyond  the  precautions  he  generally  em- 
ployed. Except  that  he  never  slept  two  consecutive 
nights  in  the  same  room,  he  changed  none  of  his 
usual  habits.  He  had  been  advised  to  fly  to  some 
place  where  he  could  be  better  guarded  than  was 
possible  at  Yildiz,  but  he  had  always  refused. 

Sultan  Abdul  Hamid  was  cunning.  He  was  not 
unaware  of  the  bribery  and  corruption  which  per- 
meated official  spheres,  but  in  the  secrecy  of  his 
heart  he  felt  that  on  his  own  part  he  was  not  free 
from  reproach  in  that  respect.  He  remembered 
occasions  when,  for  this  or  that  concession,  he  too 
had  accepted  baksheesh,  and  a  few  millions  had 
found  their  way  into  his  pocket  rather  than  into  the 
coffers  of  the  State. 

When  the  fall  came  and  he  was  imprisoned  at 
Salonika,  the  fact  that  he  was  so  rich  and  that  it 
was  essential  to  lay  hold  of  his  well-concealed 
wealth  assuredly  preserved  his  life:  otherwise  he 
would  have  been  killed  as  soon  as  he  was  taken 
prisoner.  As  it  was,  Abdul  Hamid  continued  to 
snap  his  fingers  at  the  revolutionaries  who  had 
robbed  him  of  his  throne.    For  years  he  kept  them 


26     THE  NEAR  EAST  FROM  WITHIN 

on  tenterhooks,  doling  out  small  bribes  of  a  few 
thousands  at  a  time,  and  never  revealing  the  place 
where  he  had  hidden  his  many  millions.  In  addi- 
tion to  the  two  Berlin  banks,  he  confided  specie  to 
an  enormous  amount  to  the  keeping  of  the  Emperor 
William  II.,  who  suggested  the  idea  to  him.  The 
German  Emperor  holds  the  strings  of  Abdul 
Hamid's  private  purse;  at  any  rate  he  did  so  till 
the  war  broke  out,  the  interest  on  the  money  en- 
trusted to  his  care  going  regularly  to  the  ex-Sul- 
tan, though  no  one  has  ever  been  able  to  discover 
the  channel  through  which  the  operation  is  trans- 
acted. 

When  the  Young  Turks  made  him  prisoner,  he 
did  not  offer  the  slightest  resistance,  but  from  his 
prison  at  Salonika,  in  spite  of  the  rigorous  way  in 
which  he  was  watched,  he  succeeded  in  maintain- 
ing communication  with  the  outside  world,  notably 
with  Berlin,  and  he  followed  with  the  utmost  inter- 
est all  that  went  on  at  Constantinople.  He  did  not 
envy  his  successor;  on  the  contrary,  he  remained 
upon  good  terms  with  him,  as  soon  as  he  had  real- 
ised that  in  time,  if,  indeed,  he  did  not  regain  the 
throne  which  he  had  lost,  he  might  at  least  be  al- 
lowed to  return  to  one  of  his  palaces  on  the  Bos- 
phorus,  there  to  spend  the  rest  of  his  days  in  the 
leisurely  fashion  so  dear  to  Eastern  hearts.  He  had 
no  regret  for  the  supreme  power  which  he  had  lost. 
Indeed,  he  is  possibly  happier  to-day  than  at  any 
time  during  the  years  when  millions  of  people  trem- 
bled at  his  approach. 


A  PAST  WITHOUT  REMORSE         27 

A  new  Sultan  was  elected,  about  whom  I  shall 
have  something-  to  say  later.  He  was  a  weak, 
timid  man,  kind-hearted,  but  without  any  will  of  his 
own.  He  was  demoralised  by  years  of  semi-cap- 
tivity, in  which  his  best  faculties  had  been  smoth- 
ered under  the  continual  fear  of  assassination  at 
the  hands  of  his  brother,  who  bore  him  a  deep 
hatred.  He  felt  more  than  surprised  at  his  unex- 
pected elevation  to  the  throne  and  absolutely  unable 
to  fight  against  the  will  of  those  who  had  brought 
him  there. 

Under  his  reign  Turkish  politics,  which  had  been 
controlled  by  the  iron  hand  of  Abdul  Hamid,  were 
left  to  the  guidance  of  men  without  experience  and 
without  policy.  It  was  not  surprising,  therefore, 
that  the  administration  allowed  itself  to  be  brought 
under  German  influence,  and  became  dependent  on 
the  will  of  the  Emperor  William  II.,  until  at  last 
the  treaty  of  alliance  which  he  had  long  tried  with- 
out success  to  bring  about  became  an  accomplished 
fact.  Turkey  then  suddenly  came  forward  as  an 
important  factor  in  a  most  serious  situation.  Where 
Marshal  von  der  Goltz  had  failed.  General  Liman 
von  Sanders  was  to  succeed  most  brilliantly. 

On  occasion,  since  his  return  to  his  former  capi- 
tal, Abdul  Hamid  has  given  unasked  advice  to  Mo- 
hammed v.,  the  following  of  which  Mehmed  has 
never  had  cause  to  regret.  It  is  said  that  Abdul 
had  a  good  deal  to  do  with  the  recent  attitude 
adopted  by  the  Turkish  Government  and  with  the 
declaration  of  war  as^ainst  the  Allies.      However 


28     THE  NEAR  EAST  FROM  WITHIN 

that  may  be,  it  is  more  than  certain  that  the  rash 
act  was  strongly  reminiscent  of  the  German  sym- 
pathies of  Abdul  Hamid.  In  his  retreat  of  Bey- 
lerbey  he  sees  more  visitors  than  he  is  supposed  to 
do,  and  I  have  been  told  that  the  Khedive  Abbas 
Hilmi  more  than  once  appealed  to  his  experience 
and  sought  advice  from  him. 

After  having  feigned  illness  and  melancholy 
during  the  years  which  he  spent  in  confinement 
at  Salonika,  he  suddenly  seemed  to  gather  new 
strength,  and  it  is  said  by  some  people  that  he  now 
prepares  himself  for  the  possibility  of  having  once 
more  a  powerful  voice  in  the  destinies  of  Europe. 
Aged  though  he  is,  he  has  lost  none  of  his  former 
activity  of  mind.  The  old  fox  secretly  amuses  him- 
self by  watching  the  drama  which  he  has  helped  to 
prepare,  but  for  which  he  has  contrived  to  avoid 
any  responsibility.  Whilst  sipping  his  cup  of  cof- 
fee he  remembers  the  past  without  remorse,  and 
looks  forward  to  the  future  with  that  perfect  tran- 
quillity which  only  a  saint  or  a  confirmed  criminal 
can  feel. 


CHAPTER  II 

LIFE   IN   CONSTANTINOPLE 

MY  first  visit  to  the  Near  East  was  with 
the  intention  of  seeing  something  of 
Asia  Minor  as  well  as  of  Constanti- 
nople. 

My  first  destination  was  Smyrna,  but  I  was  so 
entirely  interested  in  the  people  of  Constantinople 
that  I  did  little  else  than  remain  in  the  city,  study- 
ing its  ways  and  learning  a  little — exceedingly  lit- 
tle— of  the  intricate,  not  to  say  tortuous,  mind  of 
the  Moslem.  It  is  true  I  managed  to  make  a  short 
excursion  to  Brusa,  but,  apart  from  this,  the  rest  of 
the  month  at  my  disposal  I  spent  in  the  capital  of 
the  Turkish  Empire. 

I  had  been  given  considerable  information  about 
the  Perotes — the  native  inhabitants  of  the  Euro- 
pean quarter  of  Pera — and  had  always  been  told 
that  they  exhibited  a  curious  mingling  of  the  habits 
of  the  Oriental  with  those  of  the  European  middle 
class.  There  is  a  certain  amount  of  truth  in  this, 
but  the  description  conveys  to  the  mind  of  the 
stranger  only  a  very  weak  picture  of  their  curious 
and  heterogeneous  character. 

It  is  one  of  the  unwritten  laws  of  Pera,  which 
are  as  unalterable  as  the  dicta  of  the  Medes  and 

29 


30     THE  NEAR  EAST  FROM  WITHIN 

Persians,  that  everybody  must  know  everybody  else. 
One  is  not  even  allowed  to  acquire  that  knowledge 
gradually,  but  within  an  hour  of  one's  arrival  the 
new-comer  is  expected  to  get  into  contact  with  all 
who  consider  themselves  to  be  the  "right  people." 
This  expression  ''right  people"  is  one  of  the  most 
frequently  used  phrases  in  Constantinople,  and  it  is 
used  with  such  lavishness  that,  nine  times  out  of 
ten,  it  gets  beyond  the  sublime  and  becomes  ridic- 
ulous. For  instance,  a  certain  butcher  belongs  to 
the  "right  people,"  yet  there  are  Pashas  against 
whom  you  brush  daily  who  can  lay  no  claim  to  that 
distinction,  notwithstanding  the  fact  that  their 
breasts  are  covered  with  orders  and  that  they  oc- 
cupy in  the  military  or  civil  hierarchy  a  very  high 
place  indeed. 

The  Perotes,  a  name  for  which,  by  the  way,  they 
manifest  an  inordinate  pride,  are  mostly  half-castes, 
a  mixture  of  Greek  and  Armenian  blood,  sprinkled 
here  and  there  with  descendants  of  more  Western 
Europeans.  Perote  ladies  may  be  amusing,  espe- 
cially by  their  utter  disregard  of  conventionality, 
but  they  are  not  entertaining.  Their  education  is 
slender,  and  their  conversation  a  mixture  of  slander 
combined  with  coarseness.  They  seldom  read  any- 
thing except  French  novels  of  a  very  low  order,  and 
newspapers  of  a  similar  grade,  of  which  many  exist 
throughout  Turkey.  They  are  perennially  eager 
for  knowledge  as  to  the  actions,  thoughts,  and  gen- 
eral movements  of  the  Turkish  ladies  whom  they 
know  and  of  the  foreigners  who  happen  to  come  to 


THE  "RIGHT  PEOPLE"  31 

gossip-loving  Constantinople.  The  most  reserved 
soon  find,  to  their  intense  surprise  and  disgust,  that 
secrecy  is  impossible  in  Pera;  plans  or  intentions 
somehow  become  known  to  perfect  strangers  with 
incredible  swiftness;  privacy  is  beyond  attainment. 
"Society"  in  the  capital  of  Turkey  is  merely  another 
name  for  petty  espionage;  one  cannot  go  out  of 
doors  without  being  watched  by  a  dozen  people, 
who  at  once  start  speculating  why  one  turned  to 
the  left  when  it  would  have  been  just  as  easy  to 
go  to  the  right.  The  progress  of  every  steam  or 
motor  launch  that  plies  on  the  Bosphorus  is  known, 
not  so  much  by  its  particular  shape  as  by  its  dis- 
tinguishing whistle,  at  the  sound  of  which  people 
rush  to  their  windows  to  watch  with  eagerness  and 
curiosity  the  boat's  course. 

In  Perote-land  every  new  arrival  is  subjected  to 
a  curiosity  which  reaches  a  magnitude  those  who 
have  not  experienced  it  steadfastly  refuse  to  believe. 
For  instance,  when  I  put  in  an  appearance  for  the 
first  time  at  the  ball  which  takes  place  at  the  Grand 
Hotel  of  Therapia  every  Saturday,  I  was  imme- 
diately pounced  upon  by  a  lady  afflicted  with  two 
daughters,  each  of  whom  was  just  as  much  a  char- 
acter as  her  mother.  She  started  questioning  me 
at  once  as  to  my  reasons  for  visiting  the  Turkish 
capital.  When  I  tried  to  assure  her  that  I  had  been 
simply  actuated  by  the  desire  to  travel,  and  at  the 
same  time  to  visit  friends  at  the  German  Embassy, 
she  smiled  in  a  mysterious  way,  and  murmured, 
"Oh!    You  are  discreet,  like  all  gentlemen,  but  we 


32     THE  NEAR  EAST  FROM  WITHIN 

know  better.  We  have  heard  all  about  it."  And 
when  I  attempted  to  assure  her  that  there  was  noth- 
ing to  hear  about,  she  half-closed  her  eyes,  and 
murmured,  "It  is  no  use  your  trying  to  be  mys- 
terious; we  all  know  that  you  have  already  been 
at  Mrs.  A.'s  house,  and,"  she  added  in  a  hushed, 
tragic  tone,  ''we  also  know  that  you  are  a  friend, 
an  old  friend,  of  hers!" 

I  was  aghast.  The  lady  referred  to  was  the  wife 
of  a  colleague  of  mine,  lately  married.  I  had  never 
seen  the  lady  before  my  arrival  at  Constantinople, 
when  her  husband  had  introduced  me  to  her.  But 
when  I  tried  to  convey  this  information  to  my  tor- 
mentor, she  simply  looked  at  me,  and  replied,  "Oh, 
it  is  useless,  believe  me,  quite  useless,  to  deny  what 
we  all  know  so  well.  It  is,  of  course,  very  nice  of 
you,  but  then  you  cannot  control  your  face,  and  it 
lights  up  whenever  you  look  at  Mrs.  A. !" 

This  last  phrase  proved  too  much  for  my  out- 
raged feelings,  and  I  fled  hastily,  seeking  refuge 
by  the  side  of  the  very  friend  with  whose  wife  I 
had  been  accused  of  carrying  on  an  intrigue.  I 
asked  him  whether  it  was  a  usual  occurrence  in 
Constantinople  society  thus  to  be  submitted  to  in- 
quisition as  to  one's  past  life.  He  laughed  and  told 
me  that  I  would  see  and  hear  far  more  marvellous 
things  before  I  had  done  with  the  delights  of  the 
Turkish  capital. 

And  I  did  see  them,  and  very  quickly  came  to  the 
conclusion  that  Constantinople  was  a  very  nice  place 
not  to  live  in.     I  would  have  drowned  myself  in  de- 


THE  LURE  OF  THE  ORIENT  33 

spair  had  I  been  obliged  to  spend  anything  Hke  a 
long  time  in  it.  At  least,  I  thought  so;  but  soon  a 
curious,  indolent,  satisfied  feeling  took  me  in  its  em- 
brace. I  began  to  understand  the  charms  of  an 
existence  spent  in  idling  among  the  roses  and  under 
the  plane  trees  which  give  such  a  pleasant  coolness 
to  that  wonderful  spot.  The  general  feeling  of  un- 
easiness which  I  had  experienced  passed  away;  I 
became  used  to  the  people,  to  their  peculiarities,  and 
to  their  utter  disregard  of  what  we  call  the  conven- 
tions. I  began  also  to  understand  something  of  the 
dreamy  nature  of  the  Orientals,  and  of  that  indif- 
ference of  the  Turk  for  everything  that  does  not 
concern  him  personally,  as  well  as  his  utter  con- 
tempt of  everything  that  is  European. 

The  wives  and  womenfolk  of  the  Diplomatic 
Corps  keep  themselves  very  exclusive;  they  do  not 
care  to  mix  with  the  Perotes.  With  the  exception 
of  some  bankers  of  high  repute,  Perotes  are  not 
admitted  to  entertainments  at  the  embassies.  I 
speak  of  the  ladies,  of  course.  The  men,  however, 
of  the  Diplomatic  Corps,  especially  the  bachelors, 
do  not  refuse  to  make  excursions  into  that  particu- 
lar world  where  one  speaks  such  remarkable  French 
and  where  Mrs.  Grundy  is  unknown.  Balls  are 
given  at  Pera  during  the  winter  which  are  magnifi- 
cent and  sumptuous  afifairs,  and  sometimes  it  hap- 
pens that  politics  come  to  be  discussed  at  them,  es- 
pecially when  some  Pasha  or  Minister  honours  the 
event  with  his  presence,  and  meets  by  accident — or 


34     THE  NEAR  EAST  FROM  WITHIN 

more  often  design — some  foreign  ambassador  bid- 
den to  the  function. 

It  was  during  one  of  these  festivities,  given  at  the 
house  of  a  wealthy  Armenian,  that  the  deposition 
of  Abdul  Hamid  was  finally  decided  upon.  At  an- 
other, the  Bulgarian  Minister  whispered  into  the 
ear  of  his  French  colleague  that  great  things  were 
about  to  happen,  and  that  very  likely  a  few  months 
more  would  see  a  Christian  Emperor  enter  St. 
Sophia,  and  the  Mohammedan  monarch  who  was 
at  that  moment  reigning  in  Constantinople  ousted 
from  his  high  place. 

Life  in  Turkey  is  always  interesting,  even  in  its 
moments  of  supreme  idleness.  One  finds  continu- 
ally something  to  see  and  something  to  observe  or 
to  admire,  and  to  any  student  of  human  nature  it 
affords  sources  of  enjoyment  such  as  he  meets  with 
nowhere  else  in  the  world.  For  one  thing,  it  is  so 
totally  different  from  what  one  sees  generally,  and 
it  is  intermingled  with  so  many  remembrances  of 
a  great  and  warlike  past,  that  it  cannot  fail  to  pro- 
duce a  deep  impression.  Everything  in  the  Otto- 
man Empire  speaks  about  dead  glories  and  buried 
heroes;  of  romances  and  love  affairs  intermingled 
with  crime  and  murder,  with  women's  tears  and 
men's  vengeances. 

In  Constantinople,  a  walk  round  the  old  walls 
erected  by  Justinian  takes  one  back  to  those  days 
when  Byzantium  kept  the  world  chained  to  her 
chariot.  The  slender,  white  minarets  which  rise  at 
every  corner,  and  meet  the  eye  wherever  one  turns, 


DEAD  GLORIES  AND  BURIED  HEROES    35 

are  full  of  sweet  and  dreadful  memories;  they  rise 
up  on  the  clear  horizon  of  Stamboul  as  if  to  defy 
any  conqueror  to  touch  or  to  attempt  to  destroy 
their  soft,  sad  beauty. 

In  this  landscape,  different  from  any  other,  where 
cypress  and  myrtle  abound,  and  where  the  roses 
bloom  all  the  year  round,  one  comes  to  look  at 
things,  as  well  as  at  men,  in  quite  a  different  light. 
The  Western  European,  used  to  brisk  views  of  life, 
and  energetic  days,  is  not  long  a  dweller  on  the 
banks  of  the  Bosphorus  ere  he  ceases  to  wonder  at 
the  indifference  with  which  the  Turk  looks  on  at  the 
slow  dismemberment  of  the  mighty  Islamic  Em- 
pire. In  Turkey  nothing  matters  but  the  life  of 
the  day. 

What  struck  me  very  much  in  this  first  sojourn 
in  Constantinople  was  the  attitude  maintained  by 
Turkish  officials  in  regard  to  the  social  life  of  the 
European  colony.  One  saw  them  sometimes  sol- 
emnly attending  the  receptions  given  at  the  different 
embassies,  and  eating  in  stolid  silence  the  dinners 
offered  them  by  the  influential  people  of  Pera.  They 
spoke  but  little,  and  even  the  mightiest  among  the 
many  mighty  Pashas  who  honoured  these  enter- 
tainments with  their  presence  made  a  point  of  ap- 
pearing to  ignore  French  or  other  languages,  and  of 
maintaining  a  studious  silence  as  far  as  they  could. 

I  felt  curious  to  know  the  reason  for  this  re- 
straint on  the  part  of  people  whom  I  had  had  oc- 
casion to  meet  privately,  and  so  knew  that  they 
spoke  English  or  French  or  even  German  with  a 


36     THE  NEAR  EAST  FROM  WITHIN 

certain  fluency.  I  was  told  that  it  proceeded  from 
fear  of  spies,  who  were  expected  to  report  all  that 
they  heard  to  the  Sultan.  This  fear,  imposed  upon 
high  Turkish  functionaries  by  anxiety  as  to  their 
personal  welfare,  had  a  restraining  influence  also 
on  the  gossip,  and  I  have  noticed  that  whenever  a 
Turk  happened  to  be  in  a  Pera  drawing-room  con- 
versation became  less  personal  and  more  charitable. 

Intrigue  permeated  the  very  atmosphere  in  Con- 
stantinople. In  a  land  where  most  things  were  to 
be  bought  or  sold,  it  is  little  wonder  if  strenuous 
efforts  were  made  to  snatch  from  the  resources  of 
the  Empire  every  benefit  that  lay  within  reach. 
Everybody  believed  Turkey  to  be  doomed  to  almost 
immediate  dissolution;  hence  all  hastened  to  seize 
the  spoil.  A  relentless  battle  of  wits  was  fought 
over  every  possible  concession  which  could  bring 
money  to  the  lucky  being  who  obtained  it.  Jewish 
bankers,  French  financiers,  German  capitalists, 
English  engineers,  Russian  speculators  were  to  be 
met  at  every  turn.  They  filled  the  air  with  their 
vivid  stories  of  the  blessings  which  would  accrue 
to  the  Turkish  Empire  if  only  its  rulers  consented 
to  adopt  one  or  other  of  the  wild  schemes  which 
they  unfolded  before  the  eyes  of  those  on  whose 
permission  their  realisation  depended. 

Baksheesh  was  the  king  before  whom  every  head 
bowed,  and  baksheesh  was  far  more  respected  than 
was  the  Sultan  himself.  I  have  often  heard  some- 
one say,  "Does  he  know  how  to  give  a  baksheesh?" 
just  in  the  same  tone  which  we  would  have  em- 


BAKSHEESH,  THE  REAL  RULER   37 

ployed  had  we  asked,  "Have  you  found  So-and-so 
at  home?" 

Is  it  to  be  wondered  at,  therefore,  if  morality  in 
Turkey  seems  so  lax?  Is  it  surprising  that  at  the 
period  of  which  I  am  writing  no  one  in  Europe  be- 
lieved that  the  Ottoman  Empire  was  capable  of  an 
effort  strong  enough  to  raise  itself  from  the  slough 
of  despond  into  which  it  had  fallen,  and  that  those 
who  arrived  on  the  Bosphorus  indulged  in  avari- 
cious dreams  as  to  the  ultimate  fate  of  this  beauti- 
ful region,  for  the  possession  of  which  so  many 
ambitions  had  been  fighting  for  centuries? 

That  it  could  baffle  all  these  intrigues,  and  assert 
itself  once  more  as  an  independent  power,  no  one 
credited  save  the  Emperor  William  II.,  who  alone 
had  the  foresight — or,  maybe,  wiliness — to  work 
out  this  deed  of  regeneration,  and  to  discover  in 
weak,  tottering  Turkey  an  ally  which,  as  he  be- 
lieved, when  trained  by  German  officers,  was  ca- 
pable of  fulfilling  the  important  part  that,  thanks 
to  untoward  events,  it  was  suddenly  called  upon  to 
play. 


CHAPTER  III 

SULTAN   MOHAMMED  V 

MY  duties  in  connection  with  the  embassy 
to  which  I  was  attached  took  me  afar. 
I  left  Constantinople  for  a  considerable 
time,  returned  again  for  a  few  months'  stay  in  the 
latter  half  of  1908  and  the  opening  months  of  the 
following  year,  and  after  another  long  interval 
found  myself,  for  the  third  time,  entrusted  with  a 
mission  to  Stamboul,  during  19 13,  in  the  closing 
days  of  the  Balkan  wars. 

To  my  astonishment  Turkey  was  a  changed  coun- 
try. It  had  become  appreciably  more  civilised, 
though  in  social  life  it  had  changed  but  little.  The 
ladies  in  Pera  still  gossiped,  shady  financiers  were 
still  trying  to  obtain  impossible  concessions  capable 
of  taking  in  naive  European  shareholders;  but  the 
fabric  of  the  nation  itself  had  vastly  improved.  A 
certain  spirit  of  independence  had  replaced  the  ab- 
ject submission  prevalent  during  the  reign  of  Ab- 
dul Hamid;  varying  political  parties  had  sprung 
into  existence,  and  were  each  struggling  for  no- 
toriety and  predominance;  a  certain  freedom  of 
thought  had  established  itself.  The  Turks  seemed 
to  me  to  have  awakened  to  the  knowledge  that  it 
was  not  too  late  to  make  an  efifort  to  become  once 

38 


ABDUL  AND  MEHMED  39 

more  a  factor  in  European  politics.  The  sense  of 
inferiority  which  had  pursued  them  ever  since  the 
days  of  Count  Ignatieff,  of  San  Stefano  fame,  had 
died  out. 

It  is  undeniable  that,  in  a  powerful  degree,  this 
rejuvenation  was  due  to  the  exertions  of  the  Young 
Turk  party,  and  especially  to  the  personality  of  En- 
ver  Bey  (more  recently  a  Pasha).  He  was  the  man 
of  the  hour.  He  had  succeeded,  some  months  ear- 
lier, in  absorbing  the  public  attention  to  an  extent 
no  Turkish  statesman  had  ever  done  before.  He 
was  no  politician,  but  simply  a  man  with  high, 
though  hardly  great,  ambitions,  who  had  spent  some 
long  time  in  Germany,  and  there  had  won  for  him- 
self the  warm  regard  of  the  Emperor  William  H., 
who  quickly  discerned  how  useful  a  unit  in  his  vast 
designs  Enver  could  be.  Enver  knew  this  well 
enough,  but  preserved  a  characteristic  impassivity, 
and  meantime  accorded  to  the  new  Sultan  an  out- 
ward humility  and  deference  which  cleverly  con- 
cealed his  inner  feeling  of  utter  contempt  for  Ab- 
dul Hamid's  successor. 

To  tell  the  truth,  the  very  appearance  of  Moham- 
med V. — Mehmed  Rechad  Khan — the  present 
ruler  of  the  Ottoman  Empire,  suggests  nonentity. 
Small  and  bent,  with  sunken  eye  and  deeply  lined 
face,  an  obesity  savouring  of  disease,  and  a  yellow, 
oily  complexion,  he  certainly  is  not  prepossessing. 
There  is  little  of  intelligence  in  his  countenance,  and 
he  has  never  lost  a  hunted,  frightened  look  as  he 
surveys  his  surroundings,  as  if  dreading  to  find  an 


40     THE  NEAR  EAST  FROM  WITHIN 

assassin  lurking  in  some  dark  corner,  ready  to 
strike  and  kill. 

From  the  time  of  his  birth  to  a  few  days  before 
his  accession,  Mehmed  had  been  kept  in  a  state  of 
semi-confinement,  and  subjected  to  most  careful 
surveillance,  in  case  he  should  attempt  somethng 
that  would  endanger  the  safety  of  his  reigning 
brother. 

Abdul  Hamid  hated  him  and  despised  him  at  the 
same  time.  He  yet  felt  afraid  to  have  him  killed 
— perhaps  because  he  imagined  that  a  stronger  and 
more  ambitious  man  would  take  his  place.  Mehmed 
Rechad,  although  he  was  reported  to  be  at  the  head 
of  the  conspiracy  which  overthrew  the  former  Sul- 
tan, was  in  reality  absolutely  unaware  it  was  in 
progress,  for  the  simple  reason  that  no  one  would 
have  dared  to  trust  him  with  a  secret  of  such  im- 
portance. The  only  time  that  plotters  had  tried  to 
persuade  him  to  head  a  movement  of  reform  in  the 
country,  he  had  been  so  terrified  at  the  mere  idea 
that  he  hastened  to  acquaint  Abdul  Hamid  with  all 
details  of  the  intrigue. 

During  Abdul's  tenure  of  the  throne,  Mehmed 
had  been  the  object  of  cruel  ill-treatment  and  the 
most  unjust  suspicions  on  the  part  of  his  brother. 
There  was  a  time  when  he  hardly  dared  to  show 
himself  in  the  streets  of  Constantinople.  He  never 
went  to  bed  without  wondering  what  might  befall 
him  during  the  night,  and  he  carefully  afifected  the 
mannerisms  of  an  idiot  in  order  to  allay  any  appre- 


Mohammed  V  of  Turkey 


MEDIHA  SULTANE  41 

hensions  entertained  as  to  his  possible  activity  in 
political  matters. 

Mehmed  Rechad  had  received  a  better  education 
than  Abdul  Hamid,  and  had  been  taught  European 
languages,  but  he  had  not  profited  by  the  lessons 
which  had  been  given  to  him,  preferring  to  spend 
his  time  in  his  harem,  whence  he  seldom  emerged. 
Looking  at  him,  one  could  not  understand  how  it 
was  possible  that  this  timid  little  man  was  able  to 
boast  of  an  ancestry  as  determined  as  it  had  been 
illustrious. 

With  all  these  defects,  Mehmed  Rechad  was  yet 
a  patriot  in  his  way.  He  felt  vaguely  that  Turkey 
was  in  dire  straits,  but  though  he  never  imagined 
he  could  regenerate  his  country,  yet  he  did  not  op- 
pose those  who  attempted  the  task.  He  would  have 
preferred  above  everything  that  someone  should 
succeed  in  rousing  the  Ottoman  Empire,  one  who 
would  be  content  to  leave  to  Mehmed  the  credit  and 
the  profit  resulting  from  the  enterprise.  He  under- 
stood his  personal  shortcomings,  but  felt,  neverthe- 
less, comfortable  in  their  possession.  He  certainly 
would  have  been  entirely  sorry  to  reform  either  his 
position,  his  character,  his  moral  outlook,  or  any- 
thing in  his  way  of  life.  He  was  proud,  too,  in  his 
way:  proud  of  his  people,  perhaps  even  more  than 
of  his  rank  or  of  his  riches,  or  of  the  power  he  was 
supposed  to  wield  from  the  day  he  put  on  the  sword 
of  Osman  at  the  Mosque  of  Eyoub. 

When  the  messengers  came  to  tell  him  that  he 
was  Sultan,  he  at  first  refused  to  believe  it ;  his  next 


42     THE  NEAR  EAST  FROM  WITHIN 

thought  was  one  of  extreme  solicitude  as  to  the  fate 
of  his  brother,  respecting  whom  he  kept  asking  for 
news  and  for  assurances  as  to  his  safety.  It  is  even 
reported  that  before  Abdul  Hamid  had  been  taken 
away  from  Constantinople,  Mehmed  Rechad  had 
been  to  see  him  secretly,  and  had  begged  his  pardon 
for  having  usurped  his  place,  assuring  him  that  it 
had  not  been  his  fault  that  this  had  occurred.  To 
this,  it  seems,  wise  and  cunning  Abdul  Hamid  had 
replied  that  his  day  was  not  over  yet,  and  that  the 
time  would  come  when  his  brother  and  successor 
would  be  only  too  glad  to  have  the  benefit  of  his 
advice. 

It  seems  that  when  the  Council  of  Ministers 
heard  about  the  visit,  they  censured  Mehmed 
Rechad  severely  for  taking  such  a  step;  they  even 
threatened  him  with  removal  and  imprisonment, 
which  sent  him  into  a  state  of  panic. 

Had  Rechad  been  left  to  himself,  he  would  prob- 
ably have  refused  the  diadem  of  Islam,  but  the  iron 
will  of  one  of  his  sisters,  the  lovely  Mediha  Sul- 
tane,  proved  too  strong  for  him.  This  Turkish 
Princess  was  one  of  the  first  women  in  Constanti- 
nople to  adopt  European  ways  and  manners,  and  to 
preach  female  emancipation  to  her  sisters  in  faith 
and  in  misfortune.  Married  when  quite  young  to 
one  Damad  Nedjib  Pasha,  she  drank  to  the  dregs 
the  cup  of  humiliation  which  every  Turkish  girl  is 
compelled  to  taste  when  she  becomes  wedded  to  a 
man  she  has  never  seen  before  her  wedding-day. 

Damad  Nedjib  was  ambitious,  and  had  imagined 


MARSCHALL  AND  MEDIHA  43 

that  his  marriage  with  a  sister  of  the  Padishah 
would  ensure  him  honours  and  dignities.  But  the 
shrewd  Abdul  Hamid  knew  him  very  well,  and  ap- 
preciated him  still  better.  He  had  given  him  his 
sister  in  order  to  win  him  over,  but  he  did  not 
hasten  to  give  Damad  Nedjib  the  important  place 
to  which  he  considered  himself  entitled.  Disap- 
pointed in  his  ambitions,  Damad  started  out  to 
thwart  the  Sultan  with  a  recklessness  that  would 
certainly  have  ended  in  trouble  with  anyone  else 
than  Abdul  Hamid,  who  was  far  too  clever  to  show 
his  irritation.  He  managed,  instead,  to  have  it  con- 
veyed to  his  brother-in-law  that  the  only  bar  to  his 
progress  was  his  wife,  who,  according  to  the  in- 
sidious whisperer,  was  doing  her  utmost  to  put  ob- 
stacles in  his  way. 

Damad  Nedjib  believed  this  tale  of  his  wife's 
hate  and  intrigue,  and,  rumour  says,  ill-treated  her 
barbarously.  Her  friends  were  indignant,  she  was 
furious.  Not  many  weeks  later,  after  having  drunk 
a  cup  of  cofifee,  her  husband  fell  ill  and  died.  She 
did  not  mourn  him  long,  and  in  a  few  months  mar- 
ried the  man  who  had  been  in  the  possession  of  her 
affections  for  a  considerable  time. 

Damad  Ferid  Pasha  Bouchati,  her  second  hus- 
band, was  of  Greek  origin.  He  had  rather  ad- 
vanced ideas  as  to  the  social  standing  of  women, 
due  doubtless  to  his  travels  in  many  lands.  Mediha 
Sultane  opened  her  doors  to  friends,  and  started  a 
vigorous  propaganda  for  female  emancipation.  The 
great  influence  of  her  husband  supported  the  move- 


44     THE  NEAR  EAST  FROM  WITHIN 

ment,  which  has  lately  become  prominent  in  Turkey. 

For  some  years  Alediha  Sultane  was  a  leader  in 
Constantinople,  until  at  last  the  Sultan  began  to 
entertain  suspicions  that  his  sister's  popularity  had 
awakened  within  her  ambitions  which  were  inimical 
to  his  future.  The  result  was  that  Abdul  Hamid, 
who  was  never  a  man  to  stick  at  trifles,  sought  a 
plan  to  rid  himself  of  his  too  progressive  sister. 
Baron  von  Marschall  came  to  hear  of  Abdul's  de- 
signs, and  sought  to  thwart  the  plot,  and — being  in 
Constantinople  at  that  time ;  it  was  my  second  visit 
— it  became  part  of  my  duty  to  aid  in  bringing  the 
counter-plot  to  successful  issue.  Mine  was  not  a 
part  in  the  limelight ;  nevertheless  it  carried  a  suffi- 
cient measure  of  responsibility  to  enable  me  to  be 
fully  conversant  with  the  details  of  this  "episode  of 
Knight  Marschall,  squire  of  dames,"  as  it  was 
facetiously  called  by  one  of  the  conspirators. 

Unfortunately  for  the  Sultan,  the  affair  hap- 
pened at  a  moment  when  Berlin  had  begun  to  get 
tired  of  the  shifty  policy  of  the  Sublime  Porte. 
William  II.  was  decidedly  piqued  that  more  at- 
tention was  not  paid  by  Abdul  Hamid  to  the  advice 
which  had  been  showered  upon  him  from  Wilhelm- 
strasse.  The  Sultan  was  not  at  all  responsive  to 
the  suggestions  of  the  German  Emperor,  and  was 
getting  on  his  nerves  more  than  a  little.  At  the 
same  time  the  Young  Turks  were  daily  growing 
in  power,  and  seemed  likely  any  day  to  become  the 
leaders  of  the  Ottoman  Empire — an  alliance  v/ith 
them  would  be  easy,  and  von  Marschall  was  per- 


RECHAD  ASSERTS  HIMSELF         45 

suaded  in  his  own  mind  that  it  would  profit  Ger- 
many to  take  such  a  step. 

Accordingly,  he  cultivated  an  acquaintance  with 
Damid  Ferid  Pasha  that  soon  ripened  into  an  in- 
timacy, and  at  last  gained  for  him  an  introduction 
to  the  beautiful  Princess  Mediha.  He  used  his 
opportunities  to  acquaint  her  of  the  dangers  which 
threatened.  She  received  the  news  with  a  calm- 
ness which  proved  that  she  at  least  knew  her  broth- 
er's nature;  but  it  roused  her  Oriental  love  of  in- 
trigue and  revenge,  and  she  readily  fell  in  with  a 
suggestion  which  in  reality  was  the  first  step  in 
the  development  of  the  conspiracy  which  was  to 
deprive  Abdul  Hamid  of  his  throne  and  of  his 
liberty. 

It  has  always  been  my  opinion,  and  I  mention 
it  in  passing,  that  the  present  Sultan  would  never 
have  countenanced  the  plot  had  it  not  been  for 
the  influence  of  his  sister.  She  it  was  who,  on  that 
dreadful  April  night  when  the  palace  revolution  put 
an  end  to  a  reign  that  had  been  as  bloody  as  it  had 
been  evil,  sat  beside  Mehmed  Rechad,  using  all  her 
powers  to  bolster  his  courage  as,  shaking  with 
terror,  he  reclined  on  his  cushions  and  wondered 
what  kind  of  death  he  was  destined  to  meet  in  a 
few  moments.  When  the  conspirators  forced  their 
way  into  his  rooms,  it  v^as  Mediha  who  inspired 
him  to  receive  their  salute  as  the  Sovereign  and  the 
Commander  of  all  the  Faithful.  Without  her  it 
is  not  improbable  that  the  revolution  would  never 


46     THE  NEAR  EAST  FROM  WITHIN 

have  taken  place,  or,  at  least,  that  it  would  not  have 
put  the  present  Sultan  on  the  throne. 

It  took  Mehmed  Rechad  some  time  to  become 
familiarised  with  his  new  position.  Whenever  a 
stranger  asked  to  be  introduced  into  his  presence, 
or  whenever  he  found  himself  obliged  to  appear  at 
any  public  ceremony,  he  displayed  extreme  nerv- 
ousness. The  habits  formed  during  his  many  years 
in  bondage,  the  ever-present  sense  of  imminent 
danger  engendered  by  the  knowledge  that  his  life 
depended  upon  the  suspicion  or  caprice  of  his 
brother,  remained  with  him  for  a  long  time  after 
his  elevation  to  the  supreme  dignity.  If  the  truth 
were  told,  Rechad  in  his  heart  neither  coveted  the 
throne  nor  was  grateful  to  his  sister  or  her  ac- 
complices for  their  part  in  foisting  it  upon  him. 

At  first  he  tried  to  do  what  he  was  told,  but 
gradually  the  desire  to  assert  himself  possessed 
him,  and  he  began  to  interest  himself  in  the  affairs 
of  his  vast  Empire.  Though  no  soldier,  he  under- 
stood how  necessary  was  a  strong  army  for  his 
country.  He  listened,  therefore,  with  far  more  con- 
centration than  he  was  credited  with  being  capable 
of,  to  the  sustained  advice  from  Berlin  to  agree  to 
the  resumption  of  the  German  military  mission  for 
the  purpose  of  training  Turkish  soldiers  according 
to  German  methods  and  discipline.  The  result  was 
that,  when  matters  settled  down  after  the  revolu- 
tion of  1908,  von  der  Goltz,  with  a  score  or  so  of 
German  officers,  continued  his  work  of  reorgani- 
sation, until  events  led  to  his  recall. 


IMPERIAL  CORRESPONDENCE       47 

Although  earlier,  when  the  Balkan  war  broke 
out,  Rechad  had  been  heard  to  express  his  regret 
that  the  military  education  of  his  troops  was  not 
yet  completed,  their  measure  of  efficiency  was  suffi- 
cient to  cause  him,  when  the  opportunity  arose  after 
the  first  reverses  of  the  campaign,  to  express  the 
opinion  that  it  was  worth  while  trying  to  regain 
possession  of  Adrianople  whilst  the  Bulgarians  and 
the  Serbs  were  fighting  each  other.  Obedient  in 
some  things  to  the  will  of  his  advisers,  especially 
of  Enver  Bey — latterly  transformed  into  Enver 
Pasha — he  showed  his  independence  in  questions 
where  the  safety  of  the  Empire  was  concerned.  He 
had  remained  silent  at  the  assassination  of  his 
Grand  Vizier,  but  he  refused  to  be  quiet  when  the 
question  was  raised  as  to  whether  the  conditions  of 
the  treaty  which  gave  up  to  Bulgaria  the  posses- 
sion of  Adrianople  should  or  should  not  be  adhered 
to.  He  showed  himself  quite  resolute,  and  with  a 
determination  no  one  could  have  expected  to  find 
in  his  weak  nature,  he  not  only  accepted  the  sug- 
gestions of  Enver  to  begin  another  war  with  the 
foes  who  had  beaten  him  a  few  weeks  before,  but 
went  so  far  as  to  review  the  regiments  about  to 
start  for  the  front,  and  in  a  neat  little  speech  to 
encourage  them  to  win  back  for  Islam  the  shrines 
from  which  they  had  been  driven  by  the  hated 
Christians. 

At  the  same  time  he  started  looking  around  for 
alliances  that  would  be  of  use  to  him  in  strengthen- 
ing his  hold  upon  the  advantages  he  did  not  doubt 


48     THE  NEAR  EAST  FROM  WITHIN 

for  a  moment  he  was  about  to  win.  It  must  be  re- 
membered that  Baron  von  Marschall  was  no  longer 
there  to  give  advice  to  the  Sultan.  He  had  been 
appointed  to  succeed  Count  Metternich  in  London, 
in  May,  1912,  and  after  three  months  had  died,  his 
place  being  taken  at  the  Court  of  St.  James  by 
Prince  Lichnowsky.  The  Baron's  successor  at 
Constantinople  had  not  yet  won  the  confidence  of 
Mehmed  Rechad,  who  in  that  difficult  moment 
turned  once  more  to  his  sister,  the  one  person  in 
whom  he  could  have  absolute  confidence,  and  whom 
he  knew  would  not  betray  him,  for  the  simple  rea- 
son that  if  she  did  so  her  own  life  would  be  in 
jeopardy. 

Mediha  Sultane  was  equal  to  the  occasion.  She 
told  her  brother  that  the  only  sensible  thing  which 
he  could  do  was  to  follow  up  the  suggestions  from 
Berlin  by  writing  personally  to  the  German  Em- 
peror, asking  him  to  send  another  military  mission 
to  Constantinople  to  complete  the  education  of  the 
Turkish  army  begun  under  Field-Marshal  von  der 
Goltz. 

William  II.  hastened  to  reply  that  he  was  only 
too  willing  to  help  his  good  brother,  and  that  he  had 
appointed  General  Liman  von  Sanders,  who  would 
start  forthwith  for  Constantinople.  The  Emperor 
added  his  opinion  that  the  general,  being  more  con- 
ciliatory in  disposition  than  his  predecessor,  would 
understand  better  the  peculiarities  of  the  Turkish 
character,  and  in  consequence  prove  a  more  suc- 
cessful instructor. 


IMPERIAL  CORRESPONDENCE        49 

It  was  about  that  time  that  I  was  asked  to  go 
once  more  to  the  Turkish  capital  in  order  to  judge 
for  myself  the  position  of  things  there.  To  tell 
the  truth,  I  did  not  suspect  the  importance  of  the 
events  that  were  hovering  over  our  heads,  and  did 
not  foresee  the  great  catastrophe  which  was  soon 
to  overw^helm  Europe,  not  excepting  Turkey.  I 
imagined  that  I  was  required  to  do  no  more  than 
obtain  some  reliable  estimate  of  the  condition  of 
things  in  Constantinople  after  the  war  which  had 
just  come  to  an  end. 

It  turned  out  that  that  was  only  part — and  the 
minor  part — of  my  mission,  and  that  I  had  been 
chosen  because  of  my  known  habit  of  observation. 
Although  no  direct  instruction  had  been  given  yet, 
as  I  had  seen  Mehmed  Rechad  in  the  earliest  days 
of  his  reign,  it  was  evidently  assumed  with  some 
confidence  that  during  this  visit  my  mind  would 
be  at  work  making  comparisons  between  the  state 
of  things  then  and  now,  and  also  as  to  the  direc- 
tions in  which  the  personality  of  Mehmed  had 
shown  most  development.  I  arrived  at  this  conclu- 
sion quite  soon  after  my  return  from  Stamboul,  for 
I  was  interrogated  with  elaborate  minuteness  as 
to  my  impressions  of  the  Sultan.  I  gave  a  fully  de- 
tailed recital  of  what  I  had  seen  and  heard,  and 
what  inferences  I  drew  from  the  various  little  po- 
litical intrigues  going  on  around  the  Sultan,  in 
which  so  many  members  of  his  family  were  com- 
promised. I  informed  my  superiors,  further,  that 
there  were  some,  though  their  number  was  limited, 


50     THE  NEAR  EAST  FROM  WITHIN 

who  would  not  be  sorry  to  see  Abdul  Hamid  re- 
stored. Mehmed  Rechad  was  considered  to  be 
weak  in  character,  and  therefore  a  source  of  dan- 
ger to  his  country.  On  this  particular  point  I  was 
subjected,  later,  to  a  yet  closer  questioning,  as,  on 
a  report  being  conveyed  to  an  august  personage, 
he  had  emphatically  retorted  that  I  was  mistaken. 
His  words  were,  I  was  told,  "Mehmed  is  not  weak, 
he  only  sees  the  weakness  of  his  resources;  quite 
a  different  thing,  I  assure  you."  But  to  return  to 
the  original  cross-examination:  I  was  asked 
whether  it  were  true  that  when  Abdul  Hamid  had 
been  transferred  from  his  Salonika  villa  to  the 
Palace  of  Beylerbey,  his  brother  Mehmed  had  paid 
him  a  visit  there,  remaining  in  close  conversation 
with  him  for  a  long  time.  I  could  only  confirm  the 
truth  of  the  rumour,  adding  that  when  he  came 
into  the  presence  of  his  predecessor  he  was  so 
moved  that  he  bent  down  and  kissed  his  hand,  as 
he  had  been  in  the  habit  of  doing  when  their  posi- 
tions were  reversed. 

Thereafter  I  began  to  give  my  impressions  of  the 
personality  of  Mehmed  Rechad,  and  to  compare 
it  with  that  of  Abdul  Hamid.  When  I  had  finished 
the  remark  was  made,  'Terhaps  it  is  just  as  well 
for  Turkey  that  she  has  now  a  monarch  inclined 
to  follow  other  people's  advice  rather  than  his  own 
will.  We  know  where  we  are  with  the  present 
Sultan,  though  this  ought  not  to  make  us  neglect 
Abdul  Hamid ;  the  moment  may  come  when  it  will 
be  more  advantageous  for  German  interest  to  re- 


ENVER  PASHA  HOLDS  THE  KEY     51 

establish  Abdul  Hamid  on  his  throne  than  to  pre- 
serve good  relations  with  Mehmed  Rechad." 

Continuing,  the  principal  of  my  interrogators 
concluded:  "At  all  events,  there  is  one  person  in 
Constantinople  who  will  keep  his  importance  for 
some  time — Enver  Pasha.  That  man  holds  the 
key  of  the  whole  situation;  he  is  the  man  to  watch 
in  any  moment  of  European  complication.  He  can 
convert  into  concrete  actions  things  about  which 
Mehmed  Rechad  has  only  some  nebulous  feeling  or 
wish  that  they  might  become  realities.  It  is  Enver 
Pasha  who  can  complete  the  reorganisation  of  the 
Turkish  army  with  the  help  of  German  officers; 
he,  too,  is  the  man  to  strike  a  blow  at  the  traditional 
enemy  of  the  Ottoman  Empire — ambitious  Russia! 
And  who  knows  whether  this  may  not  become  nec- 
essary for  Germany's  existence  as  well  as  for  the 
welfare  of  Turkey!  Believe  me,  whatever  Fate 
has  in  store,  we  shall  not  yet  see  the  end  of  Islam." 


CHAPTER  IV 

ENVER   PASHA 

IT  is  impossible  to  refer  to  Turkey  without 
mentioning  Enver  Pasha.  In  recent  years  he 
has  embodied  the  very  soul  of  Islamic  prog- 
ress. Whatever  may  be  the  success  of  his  policy, 
however  much  his  methods  may  be  open  to  criti- 
cism, he  is  the  supremely  interesting  personality  in 
Turkey. 

By  his  energy  and  opportunism  this  young  artil- 
lery officer,  who  a  decade  ago  was  comparatively 
if  not  completely  unknown  in  international  politics, 
has  risen  from  the  ranks  to  become  chief  of  the  war 
administration.  Yet  further,  he  has  made  himself 
of  such  political  importance  that  the  eyes  of  the 
whole  Ottoman  Empire  are  riveted  upon  him.  His 
influence  is  far  superior  to  the  Sultan's,  and  his 
power  not  even  the  Sheikh-ul-Islam,  that  supreme 
authority  of  the  Mohammedan  world,  cares  to 
challenge. 

I  first  knew  Enver  Pasha  when  he  occupied  the 
relatively  modest  post  of  Turkish  military  attache 
in  Berlin.  In  those  days  I  thought  him  a  serious, 
earnest  young  man,  desirous  of  instructing  himself, 
and  one  who  was  a  most  careful  observer.  I  re- 
member   that    one    evening,    after    some   military 

52 


THE  TURKISH  ARMY  53 

manoeuvres,  we  started  a  conversation  that  first 
touched  on  the  events  of  the  day,  and  later  on 
drifted  into  a  discussion  as  to  the  merits  of  the 
Turkish  army.  The  young  Moslem  attache  be- 
came suddenly  eloquent,  and  explained  to  me  that 
few  soldiers  had  been  so  maligned  as  the  Turkish 
fighter.  "People  have  become  accustomed  to  de- 
spise us,  too,  as  a  nation,"  he  said;  "it  is  the  fashion 
to  speak  of  the  Turks  as  being  in  the  last  stage 
of  decay.  They  err;  there  are  strong  indications 
of  future  prosperity  for  my  country." 

"It  is  true,"  he  continued,  "that  our  government 
is  abominable,  but  the  moment  another  Sultan  has 
replaced  the  tyrannic  Abdul  Hamid,  everything  will 
change.  We  are  no  longer  an  apathetic  people.  On 
the  contrary,  we  have  in  our  midst  many  men  who 
have  carefully  studied  social  and  political  questions 
in  Europe,  and  studied  them  with  the  intention  of 
bringing  their  knowledge  to  bear  upon  the  devel- 
opment of  Turkey.  Baksheesh,  it  is  true,  still  flour- 
ishes; but,  believe  me,  the  moment  Turks  begin  to 
govern  their  country  in  earnest,  Parliament  no 
longer  will  be  the  dead  thing  it  is  now,  and  the 
nation  will  have  its  say  in  all  questions  affecting 
its  destinies.  In  that  day  baksheesh  will  cease  to 
exist,  at  least  in  its  present  proportions." 

Enver's  words  verged  on  the  melodramatic,  but 
the  tone  was  full  of  quiet  balance.  He  proceeded 
to  justify,  or  rather  to  explain,  the  prevalence  of 
bribery:  "What  gives  it  such  an  importance  now 
is  the  number  of  adventurous  foreigners  who  have 


54     THE  NEAR  EAST  FROM  WITHIN 

invaded  Turkey  like  so  many  birds  of  prey.  When 
they  are  cleared  out  things  will  change,  and  our 
people  will  be  able  to  initiate  a  policy  of  moral  ex- 
pansion, which  is  all  that  it  needs  to  be  able  to 
hold  its  own  in  Europe. 

"Will  you  be  surprised  to  hear  that  the  army  is 
far  stronger  than  you  foreigners  think?  The  fa- 
naticism which  in  ancient  times  made  it  perform 
such  wonderful  deeds  is  far  from  being  dead;  it 
only  slumbers.  Our  men  are  still  ready  to  give 
themselves  for  the  sacred  cause  of  Islam.  What 
we  recjuire  is  generals  capable  of  leading  them. 
What  we  want  is  to  be  at  liberty  to  act  independ- 
ently of  the  Great  Powers.  They  imagine  that  they 
can  control  afifairs  on  the  Bosphorus,  and  so  far 
have  prevented  us  from  contracting  alliances  capa- 
ble of  supporting  our  country  against  the  preten- 
sions of  any  who  want  to  appropriate  our  territory 
before  even  we  are  vanquished.  The  moment  that 
a  man  capable  of  taking  our  lead  appears,  and  is 
courageous  enough  to  laugh  at  those  who  would 
fain  get  rid  of  him,  Turkey  is  saved.  There  will 
be  a  very  real  regret,  perhaps,  on  the  part  of  some 
of  her  present  so-called  friends  if  such  a  man  is 
found,  but  I  for  one,"  he  added,  "firmly  believe  that 
he  will  be  discovered  one  day." 

"Perhaps  he  exists  already,"  I  remarked;  "but 
what  chance  has  he  in  the  presence  of  an  autocrat 
like  Abdul  Hamid,  who  will  never  admit  any  supe- 
riority beyond  his  own?" 

"Abdul  Hamid  is  not  immortal,"  retorted  Enver 


ENVER  BEY  AND    WILLIAM  II.      55 

Bey,  ''and,  besides,  events  may  prove  too  strong  for 
him,  too.  Suppose,  for  instance,  that  Servia  and 
Bulgaria  were  to  declare  war  on  us,  he  would  find 
himself  compelled  to  have  confidence  in  someone; 
he  could  hardly  lead  his  armies  in  the  field  person- 
ally. And  then  it  would  be  the  victorious"  general 
who  had  won  the  battle  of  Islam  who  would  dic- 
tate, not  only  to  the  nation,  but  to  the  Sultan  him- 
self." 

"Abdul  Hamid  would  have  him  murdered  at 
once,"  I  retorted. 

"It  is  not  so  easy  to  murder  a  general  once  he 
is  secure  in  the  affection  of  his  troops,"  answered 
the  young  officer,  "and  military  revolutions  have 
been  seen  before  to-day  in  Turkey.  We  still  have 
troops  eager  to  be  led  to  victory  and  to  be  granted 
power.  It  will  be  with  them  that  Abdul  Hamid  will 
have  to  count,  and,  tyrant  though  he  be,  he  could 
hardly  send  to  the  gallows  those  who  had  saved 
his  country  and  his  throne  from  foreign  aggres- 
sion.   Should  he  feel  ever  tempted  to  do  so,  then — 

then "  he  paused  one  moment,  and  added  very 

slowly,  singular  pathos  vibrating  in  his  words, 
"there  are  other  members  of  our  Imperial  House 
able  to  take  upon  their  shoulders  the  burden  of  the 
State." 

I  have  quoted  this  conversation  at  length  because 
it  seems  to  me  that  it  gives  the  note  to  the  person- 
ality of  Enver  Pasha,  and  proves  better  than  a  for- 
mal character-sketch  could  do  of  what  and  how 
deeply  he  was  thinking  even  then.    But  he  kept  his 


56     THE  NEAR  EAST  FROM  WITHIN 

thoughts  to  himself,  and  nothing  could  have  led 
those  who  knew  him  superficially  to  believe  that  he 
had  within  him  the  power  to  become  omnipotent  in 
the  land  of  his  birth  or  even  the  qualities  to  carry 
through  a  military  revolution. 

I  have  since  had  serious  reason  to  believe  that 
Enver  Bey  discussed  these  matters  with  the  Ger- 
man Emperor  William  II.,  with  whom  he  had  been 
in  favour  from  his  first  arrival  in  Berlin.  William 
IL,  who  had  failed  in  his  efiforts  to  make  Abdul 
Hamid  a  will-less  satellite  of  the  German  Empire, 
at  once  saw  the  possibilities  that  could  arise  out 
of  a  quiet  but  nevertheless  palpable  encouragement 
of  the  ambitious,  dashing  young  officer,  who,  whilst 
studying  the  discipline  of  the  Prussian  army,  was 
at  the  same  time  profiting  by  all  that  he  saw,  and 
was  preparing  himself  for  the  part  which  his  am- 
bition and  consciousness  of  ability  persuaded  him 
he  could  take  in  the  conduct  of  affairs  in  his  own 
country. 

When  Enver  Bey  left  Berlin  it  was  with  a  cor- 
dial letter  of  recommendation  from  the  Emperor 
to  Baron  Marschall  von  Bieberstein,  who  in  his 
turn  was  not  slow  to  recognise  Enver  Bey's  re- 
markable individuality  and  to  make  a  close  friend 
of  him.  The  intimacy  lasted  until  the  Baron  left 
Constantinople,  some  long  time  after  the  accession 
of  Mehmed  Rechad. 

When  Abdul  Hamid  was  overthrown,  and  the 
question  of  his  being  put  to  death  was  seriously 
discussed,  Enver  Bey  was  the  only  one  who  sup- 


IDEALS  FOR  THE  ARMY  57 

ported  the  German  Ambassador  when  the  latter 
declared  that  under  no  condition  whatever  was  the 
life  of  the  Sultan  to  be  threatened.  The  leader  of 
the  Young  Turk  party  was  clever  enough  to  guess 
the  immense  advantage  that,  in  those  first  days  of 
constitutional  freedom,  it  would  be  to  let  it  be 
known  that  he  was  strongly  antagonistic  to  those 
who  wanted  to  put  the  Sultan  to  death.  His  in- 
sight showed  him  that  Abdul  would  be  the  more 
ready  to  do  his  bidding  if  he  understood  that  Enver 
was  averse  to  the  drastic  measure  favoured  by  cer- 
tain of  the  revolutionaries. 

Gossip  was  very  busy  in  Constantinople  with  the 
doings  and  sayings  of  Enver  Bey  for  a  long  time, 
and  his  name  came  to  be  associated  more  than  once 
with  that  of  the  beautiful  Princess  Mediha  Sultane, 
who  frequently  had  been  heard  to  express  herself 
in  enthusiastic  terms  about  him.  Enver  Bey  was 
a  handsome,  fascinating  man,  well  read,  highly  cul- 
tivated, and  with  w^onderfully  attractive  manners. 
Notwithstanding  the  restrictions  of  harem  life,  he 
had  made  more  than  one  feminine  conquest  in 
Stamboul.  Fully  aware  that  he  was  more  feared 
and  distrusted  than  liked  by  his  comrades,  the 
young  officer  tried  to  engage  the  sympathies  of 
their  wives,  in  the  hope  this  course  might  prove 
useful  to  him  in  the  future.    He  was  not  mistaken. 

When  Enver  Bey  put  himself  at  the  head  of  the 
conspiracy  which  aimed  at  the  overthrow  of  Abdul 
Hamid,  it  was  through  the  influence  of  the  Princess 
Mediha  that  he  was  able  to  organise  it.     She  vis- 


58     THE  NEAR  EAST  FROM  WITHIN 

ited  the  German  Embassy  when  it  was  not  prudent 
for  Enver  to  be  seen  there.  He  knew  that  every 
movement  he  made  was  watched,  and  had  to  resort 
to  many  subterfuges  in  order  to  baffle  the  curiosity 
of  spies;  and  this  w^ould  not  have  been  easy  if  he 
had  not  been  helped  by  the  many  intermediaries 
he  had  managed  to  secure  among  the  fair  sex. 

When,  some  months  after  the  first  upheaval, 
Abdul  Hamid  had  been  deprived  of  his  throne,  it 
was  thought  that  Enver  Bey  would  at  once  become 
a  personage  of  vastly  greater  importance — that 
honours  and  dignities  w^ould  be  showered  upon  him 
— nothing  of  the  kind  occurred.  He  remained  a 
simple  officer;  and  though  his  position  in  the  army 
became  stronger  and  stronger,  he  was  not  offered 
any  substantial  reward  for  his  services  by  the  new 
Sultan.  Nor  did  he  seek  official  recognition;  his 
was  a  deeper  ambition. 

Enver  Bey  w-as  aware,  too,  that  Mehmed  Rechad 
disliked  him,  and  feared  him  not  a  little.  The 
determination  and  imperiousness  of  Enver  Bey 
always  made  timid  little  Rechad  feel  uncomfort- 
able. He  therefore  tried  to  keep  him  as  far  as  pos- 
sible from  his  person,  out  of  the  dread,  perhaps, 
that  Enver  Bey  might  be  tempted  to  cause  his  over- 
throw as  he  had  in  the  case  of  Abdul  Hamid.  He 
need  have  had  no  anxiety.  Enver  Bey  had  matters 
of  much  more  personal  importance  to  occupy  him 
than  the  dethronement  of  the  Sultan  whom  his 
fancy  had  put  upon  the  throne. 

Vast  plans  absorbed  him;  projects  which  went 


A  GRUDGE  AGAINST  RUSSIA         59 

far  into  the  future.  Enver  Bey  wanted  to  reform 
the  army,  and  to  reawaken  the  martial  spirit  which 
had  lain  dormant  during  the  reign  of  Abdul  Hamid. 
He  had  faith  in  the  worth  of  the  Turkish  soldier, 
and  he  w^as  aware  that  Moslem  fanaticism  only 
needed  the  opportunity  to  blaze  forth  anew.  His 
frequent  journeys  abroad  had  made  him  very  well 
aware  of  the  dark  designs  nourished  against  Tur- 
key by  Bulgaria  and  Servia,  and  also  of  Russia's 
sympathy  with  Slav  ideals  in  the  Balkan  Peninsula. 
He  had  had  occasion  to  talk  with  shrewd  Tsar  Fer- 
dinand of  Bulgaria,  and  had  learned  of  his  aspi- 
rations to  become  a  great  and  powerful  Emperor 
and  to  enter  the  Cathedral  of  St.  Sophia  as  the 
Christian  Sovereign  destined  to  restore  that  ancient 
shrine  to  the  Christian  faith.  Enver  Bey  did  not 
sympathise  with  the  idea,  and  quietly  determined 
to  prevent  its  ever  becoming  a  reality  should  he 
perceive  signs  of  Ferdinand  making  a  move  toward 
the  realisation  of  the  dream.  He  did  not  wait  even 
till  activity  was  manifested  in  that  direction,  but 
immediately  set  to  work  to  strengthen  the  military 
defence  of  Turkey. 

When  the  Balkan  War  of  1912  broke  out,  and 
he  found  the  Ottoman  soldiers  giving  way  before 
the  Bulgars  and  Serbs,  he  thought  it  time  to  in- 
terfere. The  Turks  were  yielding  ground  they 
should  have  defended  to  the  last,  and  the  precipi- 
tancy with  which  they  accepted  defeat  scandalised 
him.     He  therefore  decided  to  assert  himself. 

Curiously  enough,  just  at  this  time  certain  Min- 


6o     THE  NEAR  EAST  FROM  WITHIN 

isters  who  were  not  favourably  disposed  to  the 
progressive  methods  of  Enver  Bey  were  attacked 
in  broad  daylight  in  one  of  the  most  frequented 
parts  of  Constantinople.  I  think  some  were  killed; 
one  was,  at  any  rate,  and  another  seriously  injured. 

Thereafter  it  became  easier  for  Enver  Bey  to 
make  felt  the  power  of  his  influence,  and  in  a  very 
brief  time  he  became  virtually  the  master  of  Tur- 
key. His  first  efforts  were  in  the  direction  of 
the  army.  Convinced  that  the  peace  signed  at 
Bucharest  would  not  be  lasting,  and  suspecting  that 
before  long  a  European  war  was  bound  to  break 
out,  he  wisely  assumed  that,  properly  utilised,  such 
a  war  might  prove  the  salvation  of  Turkey.  Im- 
bued with  this  idea,  he  worked  without  intermis- 
sion at  the  reorganisation  of  the  army.  He  allowed 
it  to  be  bullied,  punished,  insulted  even,  by  its  Teu- 
tonic chiefs;  but  at  the  same  time  he  kept  dangling 
before  its  eyes  the  vision  of  a  time  when  Islam 
would  once  more  raise  its  head  and  re-establish 
itself  in  the  proud  position  it  once  held  in  the  eyes 
of  the  world. 

Enver  Bey  had  always  cherished  a  grudge 
against  Russia,  and  the  more  intently,  therefore, 
he  watched  the  developments  of  the  crisis  that  cul- 
minated in  the  Great  War  which  broke  out  in  Au- 
gust, 1914.  From  his  retreat  on  the  banks  of  the 
Bosphorus,  Enver  Bey  kept  himself  informed  of 
what  was  going  on  in  the  world,  and  did  not  even 
attempt  to  hide  his  sympathies  for  the  German 
cause.     He  sent  secret  messengers  to  Berlin  with 


TROOPS  SECRETLY  TRAINED   6i 

an  offer  of  service  to  the  Kaiser,  declaring  to  him 
that  the  forces  of  Turkey  were  at  his  disposal,  pro- 
vided he  gave  his  promise  that  the  independence  of 
that  Empire  would  be  respected.  And  when  he  saw 
that  neither  Russia  nor  England  had  taken  him 
seriously,  he  resolutely  crossed  the  Rubicon  and 
declared  on  his  own  account,  because  none  of  his 
colleagues  would  follow  him  on  such  slippery 
ground,  that  he  was  going  to  fight  side  by  side  with 
his  Austrian  and  German  friends  until  his  beloved 
Turkey  had  been  restored  to  her  former  splendours. 

I  have  been  asked  sometimes  what  I  thought 
would  be  the  future  of  Enver  Pasha.  I  can  hardly 
bring  myself  to  think  that  he  will  ever  die  in  his 
bed  like  an  ordinary  mortal;  the  hatred  which  he 
has  created  and  the  aversion  which  he  inspires  pre- 
cludes this  possibility  in  such  a  country  as  Tur- 
key. In  the  meantime,  I  feel  that  a  man  with  such 
soaring  ambitions  would  hardly  find  the  consum- 
mation of  his  desire  in  the  restoration  of  Turkey 
to  its  ancient  greatness ;  he  would  not  be  human  if 
he  has  not  nursed  in  the  silence  of  his  soul  the  hope 
to  be  able  to  do  more  than  stand  at  the  head  of 
that  army  he  has  contrived  to  rouse  out  of  its 
apathy.  I  feel  perfectly  sure  that  Enver  Pasha  has 
not  forgotten  for  an  instant  the  vow  of  vengeance 
he  registered  on  the  day  when  the  soldiers  of  the 
foe  entered  the  sacred  walls  of  Adrianople,  and 
out  of  which  he  was  to  drive  them  with  such 
energy. 

The  general   feeling  after  the  cessation  of  the 


62     THE  NEAR  EAST  FROM  WITHIN 

Balkan  wars  was  that  Turkey  would  be  occupied 
for  many  years  to  come  in  the  rehabilitation  and 
reorganisation  of  her  fighting  forces.  And  she 
certainly  did  enter  into  that  work  with  zeal.  But 
it  was  not  to  be  for  so  long  as  people  predicted, 
nor  was  the  recuperative  power  of  the  Turkish 
hosts  so  feeble  as  was  generally  assumed.  No  one 
dreamed  that  in  a  comparatively  few  months  Tur- 
key could  have  sincerely  believed  that  she  had  dis- 
ciplined her  army  to  the  extent  of  making  it  fit  to 
acquit  itself  well  in  another  encounter.  Never- 
theless, this  is  what  happened,  and,  as  the  Russians 
found  out,  the  first  conflicts  were  not  entirely  to 
the  disadvantage  of  the  defenders  of  Islam.  Enver 
Pasha  had  been  a  wise  man  in  his  generation ;  and 
while  the  world  deluded  itself  with  the  thought  that 
he  was  absorbed  by  innumerable  palace  intrigues, 
with  secret  cunning  he  had  arranged  for  masses  of 
troops  to  be  trained  by  German  officers  forming 
part  of  the  new  mission  headed  by  General  Liman 
von  Sanders  in  the  plains  of  Asia  Minor,  where 
there  was  no  one  to  tell  the  world  of  the  rapid 
progress  he  felt  convinced  they  would  make.  His 
hopes  were  not  unrealised,  and  excellently  well- 
instructed  and  well-equipped  troops  went  forward 
to  the  Russian  frontier. 

Yet  another  question  has  been  asked  me  by  some 
— How  far  was  the  German  Emperor  cognisant 
of  the  military  propaganda  of  Enver  Pasha?  It 
would  be  unfair  to  William  II.  to  say  that  he  was 
ignorant  of  the  plans  of  Enver  Pasha  in  this  re- 


TROOPS  SECRETLY  TRAINED    63 

spect,  or  that  either  of  them  failed  to  foresee  the 
value  of  military  efficiency  in  the  region  of  the 
Black  Sea,  where  Russian  strength  of  arms  was  not 
great,  and  facilities  for  the  rapid  transit  of  rein- 
forcements on  the  Russian  side  inadequate  to  meet 
a  sudden  emergency.  It  would  seem  almost  that 
the  contingency  had  been  very  carefully  catered  for. 


CHAPTER  V 

RUSSIAN   INFLUENCE  IN    CONSTANTINOPLE 

LONG  before  my  first  visit  to  Turkey  I  had 
been  led  to  believe  that  all  questions  affect- 
ing the  welfare  of  the  Turkish  Empire 
were  substantially  controlled  from  Petrograd,  or 
Petersburg  as  it  was  then.  So  firmly  rooted  was 
the  power  wielded  by  Russia  at  the  Sublime  Porte 
that  even  the  war  of  1877  ^^d  been  unable  to  shake 
its  dominance,  though  the  findings  of  the  Berlin 
Congress  certainly  narrowed  its  range.  How  that 
influence  waned  and  was  latterly  undermined  is  one 
of  the  object  lessons  of  modern  history.  Another 
long-held  belief  was  that  the  Christian  communi- 
ties in  Pera,  Galata  and  elsewhere,  looked  to  the 
Tsar  as  their  natural  protector.  In  the  eyes  of  the 
rival  embassies,  indeed,  Russia  was  the  bugbear 
that  everyone  seemed  to  dread  and  whom  all  de- 
cided it  were  wise  to  watch. 

My  astonishment  was  the  greater,  therefore,  on 
arriving  in  Constantinople  in  1888,  to  find  that 
Russia  was  fast  losing  ground  in  Stamboul,  and 
that  the  Christian  population,  though  giving  out- 
ward deference  to  the  Romanofifs,  looked  far  more 
hopefully  toward  Bulgaria  as  the  defender  of  their 
interests,  should  anything  untoward  happen.  The 
days  when  the  word  of  Ignatieff  was  law  had  van- 

64 


SIGNIFICANT  AMENITIES  65 

ished,  and  to  all  appearance  there  was  little  likeli- 
hood of  their  return. 

At  first  I  felt  shy  at  these  discoveries,  and  was 
reluctant  to  make  even  a  distant  allusion  to  them 
in  conversing  with  officials  of  the  different  embas- 
sies or  among  my  friends  and  acquaintances.  I 
could  not  help  noticing  how  much  care  was  taken 
always  to  solicit  and  listen  respectfully  to  the  opin- 
ion of  the  Russian  diplomats,  and  yet,  too,  with 
what  unanimity  no  heed  was  taken  of  the  advice 
tendered  on  financial  and  economic  matters.  I  was 
not  slow  to  observe,  also,  that  whereas  the  invi- 
tations to  the  Russian  Embassy  were  always  ac- 
cepted, apologies  and  regrets  were  sent  at  the  last 
moment  from  an  embarrassingly  large  proportion 
of  those  in  diplomatic  circles.  There  was  signifi- 
cance in  both  circumstances. 

During  my  roamings  about  the  city  in  the  first 
days  of  my  stay  I  found  myself  in  Pera,  where  the 
Greek  community  reigns  supreme,  and  whence  the 
majority  of  the  revolutionary  movements  of  the  last 
quarter  of  a  century  have  emanated.  As  my  knowl- 
edge of  these  folk  increased,  and  I  made  acquaint- 
ance with  certain  of  their  number,  it  was  borne 
in  upon  my  notice  that  the  importance  of  Russia 
as  a  factor  to  count  with,  or  upon,  had  dwindled 
almost  to  vanishing  point.  The  Latin  Church  was 
under  the  wing  of  France,  but  the  Greek  Orthodox 
Church,  which  of  old  had  always  looked  to  Russia, 
was  becoming  more  and  more  inclined  to  transfer 
her  affections.      After  the  war  of  the  'seventies 


66     THE  NEAR  EAST  FROM  WITHIN 

Count  Ignatieff  had  not  been  sparing  of  his  prom- 
ises to  conserve  the  rights  of  the  Greek  Christians, 
but  as  time  went  on  they  were  forced  to  the  realisa- 
tion that  their  most  precious  interests  were  either 
overlooked  or  forgotten.  Consequently  Russia  lost 
prestige,  and  gradually  an  estrangement  set  in. 
The  leaders  of  the  Greek  Church  in  the  Ottoman 
Empire  began  to  lend  ear  to  voices  from  Belgrade 
and  Athens,  and  especially  from  Sofia,  whence  was 
whispered  the  possibility  of  securing  through  that 
channel  their  long-dreamed  deliverance  from  the 
hamperings  of  the  Turkish  yoke. 

Had  Russia  been  wise  after  the  peace  of  San 
Stefano  she  would  have  taken  particular  care  that 
she  was  always  represented  at  the  Sublime  Porte 
])y  men  who  thoroughly  understood  the  situation 
and  were  sufficiently  quick  of  perception  and  bold  in 
initiative  to  divert  the  tide  of  religious  feeling  back 
into  its  old  channels.  Unfortunately  she  did  not. 
Prince  Lobanofif  lacked  energy;  M.  Zinoviefif, 
though  really  a  clever  man,  had  little  influence; 
M.  Nelidofif  was  too  old;  and  M.  de  Giers,  who  was 
in  diplomatic  charge  at  the  time  war  was  declared 
against  the  Allies  in  1914,  was  not  blessed  either 
with  rapid  decision  or  abnormal  foresight. 

Greece  and  Bulgaria  speedily  took  advantage  of 
the  laxity  of  Russian  interest  to  advance  their  own 
cause  among  the  Christians  by  lending  a  ready  ear 
to  the  complaints  against  the  Sublime  Porte.  Bul- 
garia especially  was  active  in  this  propaganda.  It 
had  its  own  religious  hierarchy,  and  Ferdinand  as- 


A  STRUGGLE  OF  CREEDS  67 

pired  to  be  accredited  as  the  supreme  protector  of 
the  Orthodox  Christian  Church  in  the  Near  East. 

With  this  in  view  the  priesthood  had  worked 
very  cleverly  to  sap  the  old  traditions  by  reason 
of  which  Russia  had  maintained  a  privileged  posi- 
tion in  the  whole  of  the  Levant,  as  the  redresser 
of  the  wrongs,  not  only  of  her  own  people,  but  also 
of  all  the  other  non-Moslem  religious  communities 
in  Constantinople.  The  friendliness  of  the  Tsar 
Ferdinand  and  his  mother,  the  late  Princess 
Clementine  of  Coburg,  toward  the  Jesuits  who 
gathered  in  Bulgaria  from  the  Austrian  Roman 
Catholic  communities,  made  much  easier  the  under- 
ground work  on  the  part  of  Bulgaria  which  char- 
acterised the  last  decade  of  the  nineteenth  century 
and  the  opening  years  of  the  twentieth. 

This  struggle  of  the  Roman  and  Greek  faiths  be- 
came more  intricate  by  the  intervention  of  Greece. 
On  the  question  of  religious  influence  there  was 
constant  friction  between  Bulgaria  and  the  Gov- 
ernment at  Athens,  which  fought  for  the  extension 
of  the  privileges  already  enjoyed  by  the  Greek 
Patriarch  of  Constantinople.  Between  the  activi- 
ties of  these  two  rivals  Russia  began  to  lose  pres- 
tige. She  seemed,  indeed,  to  be  renouncing  of  her 
own  free  will  her  long-existing  paternal  interest  in 
the  Christian  communities.  Her  indifiference  was 
more  than  short-sighted,  because  it  would  mean 
that  any  interest  henceforward  manifested  by  Rus- 
sia on  behalf  of  the  Slav  nationalities  in  the  Balkan 
peninsula  would  be  purely  political  in  tinge,  and  as 


68    THE  NEAR  EAST  FROM  WITHIN 

such  subject  to  be  contested  by  the  Balkan  races 
themselves,  who  were  quite  willing  to  be  amenable 
to  the  Tsar  of  Russia  for  their  religious  freedom, 
but  who  certainly  would  never  allow  their  political 
movements  to  be  directed  by  Nicholas  II. — or  any- 
one else  than  themselves. 

I  have  dwelt  at  some  length  on  this  point  because 
it  is  really  the  key  to  the  modern  situation.  The 
principal  object  which  justified  the  presence  of 
Russia  in  the  Near  East  was  the  protection  which 
she  had  given  from  time  immemorial  to  the  Chris- 
tian subjects  of  the  Sultan.  Having  allowed  her 
influence  to  wane,  opportunity  was  afforded  for  all 
sorts  of  possibilities,  and  there  were  those  who  were 
not  slow  to  perceive  the  trend  of  affairs.  The  Em- 
peror William  II.  was  early  aware  of  the  develop- 
ing situation,  and  during  his  visit  to  the  Sultan 
gathered  the  views  of  the  leading  members  of  the 
Christian  communities  of  Constantinople.  It  did 
not  escape  his  notice  that  their  allegiance  toward 
Russia  was  considerably  shaken.  The  German  Em- 
peror never  lost  sight  of  that  momentous  circum- 
stance, and  when  in  later  years  events  brought  a 
closer  intercourse  with  Ferdinand  of  Bulgaria,  my 
reading  of  the  chain  of  events  is  that  William  II. 
advised  him  to  concentrate  his  energies  upon  the 
task  of  ousting  Russia,  thereby  to  clear  the  path 
for  the  attainment  of  Ferdinand's  dearest  wish — 
to  be  proclaimed  Emperor  of  a  Christian  Turkey. 

Ferdinand  was  only  too  willing  to  accept  the  hint, 
and  immediately  set  to  work  te  initiate  with  en- 


A  SECRET  UNDERSTANDING         69 

crgy  and  success  the  policy  which  conceivably 
would  have  brought  about  the  realisation  of  his 
hopes,  had  it  not  been  for  the  timely  support  given 
to  Servia  by  Nicholas  II.  of  Russia. 

It  is  not  generally  known  that  when  the  second 
Balkan  War  broke  out,  between  Bulgaria,  Servia, 
and  Greece,  that  Servia  entered  into  a  secret  un- 
derstanding with  the  Russian  Government.  The 
affair  was  negotiated  by  one  of  M.  Pashitch's  inti- 
mate friends,  M.  Guentchitch,  a  former  Servian 
Minister,  who  spent  the  greater  part  of  the  sum- 
mer of  191 3  in  Petersburg.  This  fact  did  not  re- 
main secret  from  Berlin,  where  it  was  recognised 
by  William  II.  as  a  pronounced  danger  to  his  Near 
Eastern  policy.  To  nullify  the  effectiveness  of  this 
agreement  between  Servia  and  Russia,  the  German 
Emperor  lost  no  time  in  paving  the  way  to  a  recon- 
ciliation between  Ferdinand  and  Mohammed  V., 
with  the  idea  of  convincing  them  that  their  mutual 
interests  could  best  be  served  by  annihilating  Rus- 
sian influence  in  regions  of  the  Black  Sea  not  within 
her  own  territory. 

Baron  von  Wangenheim,  who  followed  Baron 
Marschall  von  Bieberstein  at  the  Sublime  Porte, 
was  at  pains  to  ingratiate  himself  with  the  new 
Sultan  and  his  advisers,  nor  did  he  omit  to  culti- 
vate the  goodwill  of  Abdul.  All  this  resulted  in 
furthering  the  aims  of  German  diplomacy  in  Con- 
stantinople to  the  detriment  of  Russian  influence. 

During  my  last  sojourn  in  Turkey,  in  the  early 
part  of  1913,  I  had  occasion  to  call  on  M.  de  Giers, 


70     THE  NEAR  EAST  FROM  WITHIN 

the  Russian  Ambassador.  He  very  cordially  in- 
vited me  to  dine  with  him,  and  over  coffee  we  found 
ourselves  discussing  the  burning  questions  of  the 
day.  My  host  evinced  a  supreme  confidence  in  the 
achievements  of  European  diplomacy,  by  which  not 
only  had  a  general  war  been  averted,  but  its  like- 
lihood banished  for  ever.  M.  de  Giers  was  too  opti- 
mistic. He  committed  the  error  of  not  looking  be- 
yond the  moment,  and  while  not  devoid  of  a  goodly 
share  of  natural  intelligence,  had  nevertheless  culti- 
vated the  habit  of  never  venturing  any  decisive  step 
upon  his  own  responsibility. 

Almost  as  soon  as  he  arrived  in  Turkey  he  was 
credited  to  have  made  the  remark  that  he  would 
not  allow  himself  to  be  inveigled  into  intrigue.  His 
attitude  rather  emphasised  that  it  was  extremely 
probable  such  a  declaration  had  fallen  from  his 
lips.  The  welcoming  advances  made  by  various 
of  the  Bulgarian  leaders  and  by  representative  men 
of  the  Greek  community  were  received  most  coldly, 
and  altogether  he  conveyed  the  impression  to  the 
Sublime  Porte  that  he  considered  he  had  no  right 
to  concern  himself  with  questions  affecting  the  in- 
ternal administration  of  the  Turkish  Empire,  and 
that  the  sole  object  of  his  presence  was  to  keep 
on  good  terms  with  the  Government  to  which  he 
was  accredited.  To  that  end  M.  de  Giers  made 
much  of  his  social  duties.  He  had  an  excellent 
cook,  entertained  with  lavish  hospitality,  and  in  his 
deportment  was  the  essence  of  politeness. 

So  far  as  my  own  observation  went,  and  from 


DIPLOMATIC  MYOPIA  71 

opinions  expressed  to  me  as  I  went  about  among 
the  members  of  the  various  embassies,  I  felt  sat- 
isfied that  M.  de  Giers  never  gave  serious  thought 
to  the  possibiHty  of  a  Prusso-Turkish  alliance.  It 
being  part  of  my  field  of  inquiry  to  keep  an  alert 
eye  on  anything  which  tended  to  reveal  the  fluctua- 
tions of  opinion  respecting  German  influence,  my 
senses  became  attuned,  as  it  were,  to  a  fine  pitch 
of  perception.  As  a  consequence  I  generally  found 
my  conclusions  were  justified  by  events.  Thus, 
when  the  Russian  Ambassador  opposed  the  ap- 
pointment of  General  Liman  von  Sanders  as  the 
virtual  head  of  the  Turkish  army,  he  most  certainly 
did  so  more  out  of  deference  to  his  French  colleague 
than  from  any  conviction  that  the  episode  might 
mean  anything  which  in  the  future  could  prove  dan- 
gerous to  his  own  country.  He  believed  that 
Turkey  was  too  weak  ever  to  provoke  a  war  with 
Russia,  and  that  her  army  was  too  disorganised  to 
give  her  any  hope  of  holding  her  own.  More  than 
that,  he  was  persuaded  of  the  unbroken  continuity 
and  undiminished  strength  of  the  friendly  feelings 
the  Ottoman  Government  entertained  for  the  Tsar. 
If  there  were  any  doubt  on  the  subject,  it  was,  to 
his  mind,  banished  for  ever  by  the  fact  that  a  spe- 
cial mission  was  sent  by  the  Sultan  to  greet  the 
Tsar  on  the  last  visit  he  made  to  Livadia  in  the 
Crimea.  That,  to  him,  was  complete  justification 
of  his  faith. 

In  the  course  of  our  evening  together,  on  the 
occasion  already  referred  to,  M.  de  Giers  frequently 


^2     THE  NEAR  EAST  FROM  WITHIN 

alluded  to  the  topic  of  Moslem  friendship,  and 
seemed  slightly  surprised  when,  with  the  object  of 
inducing  him  to  reveal  himself  more  fully,  I  ex- 
pressed doubt. 

''Why  should  Turkey  not  like  us?"  he  asked. 
"We  are  her  nearest  neighbour,  and  we  certainly 
do  not  desire  the  fall  of  the  Ottoman  Empire,  nor 
even  a  diminution  of  its  power.  We  certainly  are 
not  delighted  to  see  her  have  German  instructors, 
but  that  has  nothing  to  do  with  our  sentiments  for 
her  on  the  broad  plane.  We  also  could  send  officers 
just  as  clever  and  as  conscientious  to  train  her 
troops." 

"Pardon  my  emphasis,"  I  replied,  "but  do  you 
ever  feel  that  there  may  arrive  a  moment  when  in- 
ternational complications  might  tempt  Turkey  to 
throw  herself  against  you  in  the  hope  of  getting 
back  some  of  her  lost  provinces?  In  such  a  situa- 
tion it  would  be  very  natural  for  Turkey  to  do  so." 

"Ah,  yes,"  replied  the  ambassador;  "yes,  but 
you  can  take  it  from  me  no  general  complications 
will  occur,  at  any  rate  not  for  a  long  time  to  come. 
A  few  months  ago  we  were  very  near  to  war,  but 
now  I  really  do  not  see  what  could  bring  it  about. 
I  do  not  think  that  any  monarch  in  Europe  would 
dare  to  risk  such  an  adventure.  Do  not  you  think, 
too,  that  the  fevered  armaments  which  are  being 
multiplied  on  every  hand  are  the  best  guarantee 
that  we  have  entered  into  a  period  of  long  peace?" 

"You  may  be  right,  of  course,"  was  my  reply, 
"but  have  you  thought  that  these  very  armaments 


A  FALSE  SECURITY  73 

may  become  an  insufferable  burden,  and  that  one  or 
other  of  the  nations  may  feel  compelled  to  declare 
war  in  order  to  prevent  the  financial  strain  such 
tremendous  armaments  involves  making  life  intol- 
erable to  its  peoples?" 

M.  de  Giers  looked  at  me  with  the  expression  of 
a  veteran  instructing  a  novice,  a  wealth  of  self- 
satisfaction  modulating  his  voice. 

"Ah!  how  one  sees  that  you  are  not  a  diplomat 
by  profession,"  he  said.  "No,  believe  me,  we  are 
in  no  danger  of  clouds  obscuring  the  European  sky; 
you  may  rest  content  on  that  point." 

I  refrained  from  disturbing  the  confiding  ambas- 
sador's security,  but  wondered  in  the  secret  of  my 
soul  what  made  him  so  unobservant  of  the  grave 
events  that  were  taking  place  under  his  very  eyes. 


CHAPTER  VI 

GERMAN    PRESTIGE    IN    THE    NEAR   EAST 

ENOUGH  has  been  told  in  earlier  chapters 
to  give  insight  into  the  activities  and  char- 
acter of  German  diplomacy  in  the  Near 
East.  Russia's  satisfaction  in  the  preponderating 
reality  of  her  own  influence  was  Germany's  oppor- 
tunity, and,  setting  aside  any  discussion  of  ethical 
standards,  it  is  to  be  doubted  whether  any  diplo- 
matist of  any  country  would  have  refrained  from 
taking  advantage  of  the  situation,  to  the  benefit 
of  his  own  nation  at  the  expense  of  Russia. 

As  we  have  seen,  Germany  had  always  been  vigi- 
lant and  enterprising,  and  so  was  easily  first  in 
the  field.  While  others  were  satisfied  with  them- 
selves, Germany  sought  out  means  of  making  for 
herself  a  position  in  the  Levant,  and  by  using  meth- 
ods which  appealed  to  Turkish  minds  she  succeeded. 

A  considerable  factor  in  the  rapidity  with  which 
Teutonic  influence  gained  ground  was  that  the  serv- 
ants of  the  Fatherland  set  themselves  to  understand 
the  intricacies  of  the  Oriental  mind,  and  so  ordered 
their  conduct  that  a  minimum  of  friction  arose. 
In  this  the  Emperor  William  II.  himself  was  not 
behind  his  ministers.  His  study  of  the  Turk  en- 
abled him  to  follow  to  perfection  his  mental  and 

74 


AN  EMPEROR'S  PILGRIMAGE         75 

moral  tortuousness.  It  also  guided  him  in  his  de- 
meanour toward  the  Moslem.  Appreciating  to  a 
nicety  how  far  the  Turk  is  glamoured  by  display 
and  grandiloquence,  he  adjusted  the  details  of  his 
memorable  visits  to  different  domains  of  Moham- 
medanism on  the  Mediterranean.  Even  the  small- 
est incidents  were  carefully  prepared  in  advance, 
with  regard  to  the  impressions  the  Emperor  de- 
sired to  make. 

A  notable  instance  was  the  pilgrimage  of  Wil- 
liam II.  to  the  Holy  Land.  When  he  arrived  within 
sight  of  the  walls  of  Jerusalem  he  asked  to  be 
shown  the  exact  spot  whence  tradition  holds  that 
Godfrey  de  Bouillon  obtained  his  first  sight  of  the 
Holy  City.  It  being  pointed  out,  he  stood  for  some 
time  gazing  on  the  sacred  city,  and  then  expressed 
a  desire  to  erect  a  monument  on  the  spot,  "Be- 
cause," he  added,  ''it  is  fitting  that  a  memorial  to 
perpetuate  the  name  of  the  first  king  of  Jerusalem 
should  be  raised  by  the  first  German  sovereign  who 
had  been  able  to  walk  in  his  footsteps.'' 

The  same  Turkish  dignitary,  attached  to  the  suite 
of  the  German  Emperor,  who  told  me  this  incident, 
also  revealed  a  remarkable  proposal  William  II. 
made  when  he  paid  reverence  to  the  sanctity  of  the 
Church  of  the  Holy  Sepulchre.  As  visitors  know, 
a  holy  calm  is  by  no  means  the  prevailing  atmos- 
phere, and  continual  strife  goes  on  within  the  sanc- 
tuary between  the  various  religious  communities. 
To  the  Emperor  it  savoured  of  something  akin  to 
sacrilege  that  the  maintenance  of  order  in  the  most 


76     THE  NEAR  EAST  FROM  WITHIN 

holy  spot  of  Christendom  should  be  in  the  hands  of 
Mohammedans,  and  so  he  made  the  extraordinary- 
inquiry  of  the  pasha  who  was  acting  as  cicerone 
whether  he  thought  it  would  be  possible  to  obtain 
from  the  Sultan  the  cession  to  Germany  of  the  city 
of  Jerusalem,  including  the  Church  of  the  Holy 
Sepulchre,  in  order  that  he  might  guard  it  against 
desecration.  'Tt  is  not  seemly  that  the  tomb  of 
Christ  should  be  the  scene  of  continual  strife.  If 
the  Sultan  would  consent  to  make  Germany  the 
custodian  of  Jerusalem,  all  these  painful  incidents 
would  cease.  Were  his  desire  fulfilled,"  was  the 
argument,  "tranquillity  would  be  restored  among 
the  rival  Christian  guides  who  roam  about  the  sa- 
cred precincts  and  quarrel  over  the  plundering  of 
tourists  and  pilgrims." 

With  such  zeal  did  the  German  Emperor  prose- 
cute this  new  idea  which  had  inflamed  his  mind 
that,  despite  the  assurance  of  the  pasha  in  ques- 
tion that  the  Sultan  would  never  lend  himself  to 
such  a  scheme,  William  II.  had  the  matter  taken 
up  by  his  Foreign  Office.  The  impracticability  of 
such  a  proposal  being  seriously  put  forward  was 
so  patent  to  the  officials  in  Wilhelmstrasse  that  the 
Imperial  suggestion  was  transmitted  to  the  Sub- 
lime Porte  in  such  language  that  the  authorities 
accepted  the  hint  and  found  no  difficulty  in  re- 
turning a  decided  refusal  couched  in  polite  terms. 

This  policy  of  pomp  was  also  seen  in  active  op- 
eration when  William  II.  went  to  Morocco.  By  his 
lavish  display  of  the  gorgeous  trappings  of  royalty, 


WILLIAM  II.  AMONGST  MOORS       yj 

his  simulation  of  reverence  for  Mohammedan  de- 
votions, and  his  prodigal  distribution  of  baksheesh, 
he  achieved  a  vociferous  popularity  among  the 
Moors.  He  was  certainly  successful  in  producing 
the  impression  that  he  was  a  strong  and  powerful 
monarch.  He  showed  himself  extremely  amiable 
to  all  with  whom  he  came  into  contact.  In  the 
course  of  his  tour  he  conversed  with  many  Arabs 
and  natives,  particularly  on  the  quality  of  their 
friendship  toward  France. 

On  the  day  he  left  the  usual  complimentary 
speeches  were  made.  That  of  the  German  Em- 
peror was  felicitous,  and  it  contained  some  por- 
tentous phrases  which  were  not  made  public;  they 
were  rash  words,  lightly  spoken,  but  capable  of 
sinister  construction  by  those  not  well  disposed  to 
the  Emperor.  He  brought  his  little  speech  to  a 
close  with  these  words :  "I  am  going  home  delighted 
with  my  visit,  but  I  will  not  say  good-bye.  I  will 
hope  that  soon  I  may  be  able  to  come  back,  no 
longer  as  a  visitor,  but  as  the  ally  of  the  great  Turk- 
ish Sultan  and  as  the  best  friend  and  protector  of 
Islam." 

Some  such  sentiment  as  this  he  also  expressed 
at  the  conclusion  of  his  tour  in  the  Holy  Land  a 
few  years  earlier.  The  underlying  spirit  of  these 
incidents  is  a  consciousness  of  the  value  to  Ger- 
many of  Turkish  friendship,  or  at  any  rate  her 
complacency.  William  II.  was  convinced  of  the 
benefit  his  empire  would  derive,  if  certain  potential- 
ities developed,  from  an  alliance  with  Turkey  and 


78     THE  NEAR  EAST  FROM  WITHIN 

Mohammedanism,  and,  whatever  other  rjationali- 
ties  may  think  of  his  actions,  he  was  patriotic 
enough — sometimes  to  the  point  of  unwisdom — to 
plan  always  for  the  future  in  his  acts  and  sayings. 
Looking  backward  over  the  years  of  his  reign, 
every  observant  student  of  political  evolution  must 
discern  the  truth  of  this  assertion.  The  German 
Emperor  was  not  in  close  sympathy  with  either  the 
Sultan  of  Turkey  or  the  Sultan  of  Morocco,  but 
his  far  sight  recognised  the  value  of  Moslem 
friendship  should  ever  Russia  make  a  definite  stand 
against  the  growth  of  German  influence  in  the  Bal- 
kans or  become  fearful  of  the  undoubted  dominance 
which  Germany  had  secured  in  Turkish  military 
administration.  To  have  a  Turkish  fleet  bombard- 
ing Odessa,  or  a  Holy  War  proclaimed  in  the  region 
of  the  Caucasus,  would  denude  Russia  of  neces- 
sary troops  for  the  western  frontiers — and  that 
would  be  a  trump  card. 

This  line  of  thought  is  admittedly  in  the  realm 
of  the  unprovable,  but  its  improbability  was  by  no 
means  so  illusory.  Indeed,  it  was  well  known  in 
certain  circles  in  Berlin  that  of  recent  years  the 
German  Emperor  had  the  fixed  idea  that  whereas 
there  was  no  manifest  reason  why  he  should  go  to 
war  with  Russia,  yet  it  was  inevitable  that  at  some 
time  a  conflict  would  be  precipitated,  and  that  the 
contingency  was  not  made  more  remote  by  the  ex- 
istence of  the  Franco-Russian  entente.  In  the 
financial  circles  of  Berlin  such  a  conviction  was 
strongly  held,  and   inclined  leading  financiers  to 


A  TEMPORARY  ECLIPSE  79 

listen  with  favour  to  schemes  and  concessions  in- 
volving large  monetary  speculations  in  Turkish 
regions,  but  promising  exceedingly  rich  rewards 
to  German  trade  and  industry. 

The  Turkish  upheaval,  which  culminated  in  the 
deposition  of  Abdul  Hamid,  did  not  interfere  with 
German  designs;  indeed,  the  accession  of  Mehmed 
Rechad  and  the  rise  to  power  of  Enver  Pasha  were 
circumstances  which  tended  to  establish  on  a  still 
firmer  basis  German  influence  in  Turkey.  As  the 
Vvorld  knows,  German  prestige  suffered  a  tempo- 
rary eclipse  three  or  four  years  ago,  but  far  less 
harm  than  is  generally  imagined  was  done  to  Ger- 
man influence,  which  is  very  different  from  pres- 
tige. It  occasioned  little  surprise,  therefore,  to 
those  who  knew  how  the  current  was  running  un- 
der the  surface  that,  when  war  broke  out  between 
Turkey  and  her  Slav  neighbours,  Enver  Bey,  as  he 
was  then,  requested  William  II.  to  permit  a  num- 
ber of  German  officers  to  take  active  part  in  the 
conflict.  They  were  allowed  to  do  so,  and  their 
efforts  followed  with  close  interest.  When  Adri- 
anople  fell,  it  is  public  knowledge  that  the  German 
Emperor  telegraphed  his  regrets  to  the  Sultan. 
What  is  not  known  outside  a  narrow  circle  of 
higher  political  agents  is  that  tlie  rryal  telegram 
also  included  the  following  astonishing  sentiment: 

*T  do  not  despair  that  within  a  very  short  time 
the  ancient  shrine  of  Islam  will  be  again  in  the 
possession  of  Your  Majesty,  and  Your  Majesty 


8o     THE  NEAR  EAST  FROM  WITHIN 

may  rest  assured  that  I  shall  do  all  that  lies  within 
my  power  in  order  that  it  should  be  so." 

To  explain  that  the  telegram  was  in  cipher  is 
unnecessary. 

During  the  discussion  of  the  treaty  of  peace  the 
German  Ambassador  in  London  received  strict  in- 
structions to  insist  upon  Adrianople  remaining  in 
the  possession  of  the  Turks,  and  after  the  war 
which  broke  out  and  automatically  settled  the  vexed 
question,  William  II.  secured — some  say  compelled 
— the  acceptance  of  a  new  military  mission.  This 
mission  had  extraordinary  powers,  but  it  was  not 
commanded  by  Field-Marshal  von  der  Goltz.  The 
Emperor  was  displeased  with  him.  He  may  have 
felt  that  the  lost  prestige  referred  to  a  few  sentences 
earlier  was  because  von  der  Goltz  had  not  been  suffi- 
ciently diligent  in  furthering  the  cause  of  Germany. 

Be  that  as  it  may,  it  was  discovered  that  Marshal 
Liman  von  Sanders  was  entrusted  with  the  mission. 
In  Berlin  it  was  said  that  von  Sanders'  farewell 
audience  with  the  Emperor  occupied  considerably 
more  time  than  usual.  Gossip  among  a  well- 
informed  few  went  so  far  as  to  say  that  the  gist  of 
the  conversation  was  the  means  whereby  a  definite 
alliance  between  Turkey  and  the  Fatherland  was 
to  be  brought  about,  and  that  the  General  went  out 
to  Turkey  in  the  belief  that  such  a  consummation 
would  benefit  the  Ottoman  Empire  to  a  far  greater 
extent  than  Germany. 

I  knew  Marshal  Liman  von  Sanders.  He  was  a 
most  amiable  man,  full  of  quiet  tact,  with  excellent 


MARSHAL  LIMAN  VON  SANDERS    8i 

manners,  wide  military  knowledge,  and  a  thorough 
understanding  of  the  duties  he  felt  himself  called 
upon  to  perform.  When  he  arrived  in  Turkey  he 
set  himself  to  work  at  once,  and  with  sagacious 
diplomacy  handled  the  delicate  situation  with  con- 
siderable skill.  He  was  well  aware  that  his  was  a 
perilous  path — many  Turks  looked  askance  at  him, 
and  even  those  who  warmly  supported  the  idea  of 
a  German  alliance  were  decidedly  restive  at  the  fate 
of  the  Turkish  army  being  left  so  completely  in  his 
hands.  His  difficulties  were  accentuated  by  his  in- 
ability to  speak  the  Turkish  language,  and  he  did 
not  know  sufficient  of  his  subordinates  to  feel  quite 
happy  in  trusting  them  with  his  confidence.  Never- 
theless, with  true  Teutonic  energy  he  applied  him- 
self to  the  tasks  of  overcoming  the  various  obsta- 
cles and  achieving  a  greater  measure  of  success 
even  than  his  predecessor  had  wrested  from  circum- 
stance. In  co-operation  with  Enver  Bey  he  con- 
ceived the  idea  of  training  the  troops  away  from 
the  eyes  of  Constantinople,  and  accordingly  con- 
ducted his  operations  in  the  remoteness  of  Asia 
Minor,  where  progress  could  not  be  watched  and 
noted  by  interested  observers.  Here  his  assiduity 
was  rewarded,  and,  so  far  as  efficiency  in  drill  and 
marksmanship  are  concerned,  the  standards  of  the 
German  military  system  were  maintained.  How 
far  in  actual  warfare  the  Mohammedan  army 
would  stand  the  test  was  then  on  the  knees  of  the 
gods.  One  difficulty,  however,  was  never  overcome, 
and  that  was  the  latent  hostility  always  felt  by  the 


82     THE  NEAR  EAST  FROM  WITHIN 

Turkish  troops  at  being  commanded  by  "those 
Christian  dogs." 

In  other  directions  than  the  organisation  of  the 
army  Germany  found  scope  for  exercising  her  gift 
of  perseverance.  It  is  noteworthy  that  from  the 
highest  diplomatic  official  down  to  the  humblest 
civil  servant  Berlin  seldom  erred  in  her  selection. 
One  and  all  were  solicitous  of  the  progress  of  Ger- 
many, knew  what  was  expected  of  them,  and  did 
their  best  to  justify  the  confidence  reposed  in  them. 

It  is  little  to  be  wondered  that  the  consequence 
was  that,  while  Russia  declined  in  prestige,  Ger- 
man influence  daily  grew  more  powerful.  Constan- 
tinople was  becoming  persuaded  of  the  greatness 
of  Germany,  of  her  paramount  strength  in  the 
world,  and,  the  greatest  asset  of  all,  of  her  fidelity 
to  those  whom  she  counted  as  friends.  German 
trade  and  German  industry  gained  considerably 
through  that  policy,  and  German  manufactures 
ousted  from  the  Turkish  markets  those  of  other 
countries.  England  maintained  her  lead,  but 
showed  exceedingly  little  increase  in  the  volume  of 
trade,  while  Germany  progressed  by  leaps  and 
bounds  until,  as  compared  with  thirty  years  ago, 
her  exports  to  Turkey  showed  more  than  a  hun- 
dredfold increase.  Great  Britain  suddenly  awoke 
to  a  realisation  of  the  fact  that  the  bulk  of  the  busi- 
ness arising  out  of  the  development  of  commercial 
facilities  in  Turkey  was  going  in  the  direction  of 
Germany,  that  the  Teuton  had  taken  for  his  own 


PRODIGAL  BRIBERY  83 

advantages  that  which  the  Eng-lishman  had  become 
accustomed  to  consider  exclusively  his  prerogative. 

Not  only  in  England  but  in  other  European  coun- 
tries a  very  real  concern  was  exhibited  at  the  vast 
expansion  of  German  interests  in  the  Near  East, 
not  so  much  at  the  capture  of  the  trade,  but  at  the 
circumstances  which  made  it  possible.  Diplomats 
and  consuls  engaged  themselves  in  fathoming  the 
causes  which  had  contributed  to  the  rapid  and  wide 
development,  and  out  of  these  inquiries  grew  a 
friction  which  led  to  strategy  and  provocation  in 
various  directions.  The  uneasiness  created  was  still 
agitating  the  various  influences  at  work  to  secure 
lost  ground,  or  to  maintain  the  position  gained,  as 
the  case  might  be,  when  the  possibility  of  war  be- 
gan to  be  discussed. 

It  is  true  that  Germany  lost  considerable  prestige 
and  England  seemed  to  have  scored  a  diplomatic 
victory  during  the  last  days  of  Baron  von  Mar- 
schall's  reign  at  the  German  Embassy,  but  the  cir- 
cumstance only  served  to  provide  further  stimula- 
tion to  German  efforts,  and  in  ways  known  to  them- 
selves they  were  able  ere  long  to  emerge  from  the 
cloud  as  powerful  as  ever. 

I  am  satisfied  that  this  conviction  of  progress 
and  energy  and  virility  which  German  diplomats 
were  able  to  convey  to  the  minds  of  high  Turkish 
officials  was  no  small  factor  in  bringing  the  Sub- 
lime Porte  to  the  decision  that  they  were  safe  in 
making  with  Germany  an  alliance  not  less  real  be- 
cause not  officially  ratified  in  the  eyes  of  Europe. 


84     THE  NEAR  EAST  FROM  WITHIN 

To  the  Turk  the  Germans  were  the  masters  of  the 
West,  a  beHef  strengthened  by  the  prodigaHty  with 
which  Berlin  poured  gold  into  the  lap  of  Turkey. 

An  intercepted  document  which  came  into  my 
keeping  in  19 14  I  have  before  me  at  this  very  mo- 
ment. It  is  in  the  handwriting  of  one  who  was  on 
terms  of  close  friendship  with  William  I.,  but  who 
has  never  approved  of  the  ethical  ideas  of  the  old 
Emperor's  grandson.  This  long  indictment  of  Ger- 
man overtures  in  the  Near  East,  for  such  it  is, 
avouched  that  the  great  reason  of  the  Sublime 
Porte  being  w^illing  to  listen  to  German  proposals 
was  that  only  Germany  had  raised  no  difficulty 
whenever  Turkey  wanted  money.  The  Ottoman 
Empire  had  nearly  exhausted  any  credit  she  had 
in  France  and  England,  or  other  European  coun- 
tries, and  her  negotiations  with  America  had  not 
been  crowned  with  success.  Germany  proved  the 
solitary  exception,  and  purses  were  opened  to  Tur- 
key with  an  alacrity  which  ought  to  have  made  her 
suspicious  of  what  lurked  behind  such  apparently 
disinterested  friendship  and  generosity.  Unfortu- 
nately, Turkish  statesmen  were  unable  to  see  this. 
Maybe  they  feigned  blindness,  for  there  are  those 
w^ho  say  that  no  matter  what  amount  of  solid  cash 
the  Sublime  Porte  receives,  half  of  it  goes  into 
private  pockets.  Whatever  the  reason,  the  fact  re- 
mains that  Turkey  complacently  allowed  the  net  to 
be  woven  round  her.  In  this  way,  the  document 
states,  the  German  Emperor  prepared  his  ground 
for  an  easy  assent  on  the  part  of  Turkey  to  a  defi- 


IMMEDIATELY  BEFORE  THE  WAR     85 

nite  alliance.  His  foresight  had  enabled  him  to 
plan  for  such  an  issue  long  before  it  was  generally 
recognised  how  acute  the  Balkan  situation  might 
become.  When,  therefore,  Europe  awoke  to  the 
danger  a  mid-European  conflagration  might  prove 
to  the  greater  nations,  Germany  had  already 
strongly  entrenched  herself  in  the  friendship  of 
Turkey,  and  so  gained  for  herself  a  position  which 
would  materially  benefit  her  dispositions  should  she 
become  involved  in  a  conflict. 

More  than  that  transpired  from  the  narrative 
unfolded  in  the  document  from  which  I  have  been 
quoting.  What  follows  is  of  vital  moment,  as  it 
refers  to  a  period  immediately  before  the  war.  The 
writer  flatly  charges  William  II.  with  a  determina- 
tion to  bring  about  a  rupture.  The  German  Em- 
peror was  apprehensive  that  Russia  would  not  make 
good  her  support  of  Servia,  and  therefore  sent  a 
confidential  messenger  to  "suggest  to  Tsar  Ferdi- 
nand at  Sofia  that,  in  case  of  a  conciliatory  attitude 
being  adopted  by  the  Russian  Government,  he 
would  find  it  to  his  advantage  to  invade  Servian 
territory." 

I  have  given  the  exact  words  just  as  they  were 
set  down.  "These  overtures,"  the  document  pro- 
ceeds, "were  received  in  a  friendly  spirit,  but  Fer- 
dinand declared  that  circumstances  forced  him  to 
an  extreme  reserve.  In  the  face  of  public  opinion 
in  Bulgaria,  it  would  be  impossible  for  him  to  fol- 
low out  the  suggestion;  but,  should  any  'Servian 
insolence'  be  demonstrated,  Bulgarians  would  cer- 


86     THE  NEAR  EAST  FROM  WITHIN 

tainly  back  up  any  firm  attitude  he  chose  to  adopt. 
In  any  case,"  the  Tsar  of  Bulgaria  is  purported  to 
have  said,  'T  cannot  prophesy  what  is  going  to  hap- 
pen, but  the  question  of  the  neutrality  of  Bulgaria 
need  not  be  raised  until  the  precipitation  of  a  con- 
flict makes  the  matter  of  interest  to  Europe.  And 
even  then  it  will  not  need  discussing  till  later  stages 
are  reached ;  at  such  a  period  our  neutrality  may  be 
more  than  a  pawn  in  the  game." 

To  come  back  to  matters  within  my  personal 
knowledge,  I  was  in  Berlin  when,  a  short  time  be- 
fore the  war,  Enver  Pasha  paid  a  flying  visit  to 
Wilhelmstrasse.  I  spent  an  hour  with  him  before 
he  left  again  for  Constantinople.  He  seemed  un- 
usually bright  and  happy,  in  brisk  spirits,  and  ex- 
pecting great  things  for  his  country  in  the  imme- 
diate future. 

For  some  time,  he  told  me,  secret  emissaries  of 
Turkey  had  been  working  on  the  feelings  of  the 
Mohammedan  population  of  the  Caucasus,  doing 
their  best  to  destroy  every  feeling  of  respect  for 
Russia.  In  Batoum,  he  said,  speaking  with  greater 
freedom  doubtless  from  his  knowledge  that  I  was 
a  political  agent,  arms  and  ammunition  had  been 
distributed  to  the  natives.  It  was  certain,  too,  that 
the  inhabitants  of  the  Black  Sea  littoral  had  been 
won  over,  and  only  awaited  the  opportunity  to  de- 
clare themselves  in  favour  of  the  Turkish  cause; 
while  the  Armenians,  aggrieved  at  Russia's  neglect, 
would  not  lift  a  little  finger  to  save  her.  "Russia," 
added  Enver  Pasha,  "has  lost  the  sympathies  of 


A  SIGNIFICANT  NOTE  87 

every  Slav  nation  in  the  Balkans  except  Montene- 
gro and  Servia."  Continuing,  ''At  present,"  he 
said,  "Turkey  is  strongly  enthusiastic  over  Ger- 
many." 

When  Enver  Pasha  left  Berlin  at  the  conclusion 
of  his  secret  visit,  I  took  him  to  the  station.  I  had 
grown  to  like  the  young  officer,  notwithstanding  his 
many  failings  and  soaring  ambitions.  He  told  me 
he  had  had  a  long  talk  with  the  Emperor,  and  he 
seemed  particularly  cheerful  in  consequence.  More 
than  once  I  have  wondered  what  bearing  that  talk 
had  upon  subsequent  events  on  the  Bosphorus.  Un- 
doubtedly, with  such  a  man  as  Enver  Pasha,  the 
situation  in  the  Near  East  would  have  been  upper- 
most, and  he  would  be  quite  unlikely  to  have  neg- 
lected the  opportunity  of  a  frank  conversation  with 
the  Emperor  William.  Indeed,  it  seems  to  me  that 
the  visit  to  the  German  Emperor  was  more  in  the 
nature  of  a  prearranged  consultation  than  a  fugi- 
tive opportunity  avidly  seized.  My  curiosity  was 
yet  further  excited  when  I  received  by  the  same 
mail  which  announced  that  Turkey  had  joined  in 
the  war  a  note  in  the  handwriting  of  Enver  Pasha, 
containing  few  but  trenchant  words:  'The  hour 
has  struck.     May  Allah  help  us." 


CHAPTER  VII 

AMBASSADORS    AT    THE    SUBLIME    PORTE 

APOLITICAL  agent  enjoys  more  freedom 
than  does  a  diplomat.  There  is  less  re- 
straint, and,  if  he  is  not  averse  to  the  small 
change  of  social  gossip,  finds  life  full  of  variety. 
Without  conceit  I  can  say  that,  when  the  call  of 
service  led  me  afar,  on  my  return  to  Constantinople 
I  found  that  I  had  not  been  forgotten  during  the 
years  of  my  absence.  The  purpose  of  these  remarks 
is  not,  however,  to  emphasise  my  own  popularity, 
but  to  justify  the  statement  that  I  was  the  recipient 
of  many  a  whispered  drawing-room  confidence, 
which,  added  to  my  own  knowledge  and  observa- 
tion, has  afforded  sufificient  groundwork  for  giving 
some  outline  of  the  personalities  of  the  various  dip- 
lomatic figures  who  have  held  office  in  Constanti- 
nople. 

More  than  ordinary  interest  attached  to  the  em- 
bassies in  Constantinople  because  the  political  at- 
mosphere was  always  charged  with  possibilities 
which  relieved  diplomatic  life  on  the  Bosphorus 
from  any  suspicion  of  monotony.  It  was  the  aim, 
therefore,  of  ambitious  young  men  to  become  asso- 
ciated with  the  embassy  of  their  particular  nation 
for  the  sake  of  the  experience  to  be  gained  in  the 

88 


BARON  VON  RADOWITZ  89 

conduct  of  modern  state  politics.  This,  and  the  fact 
that  the  fashionable  resorts  near  the  Turkish  cap- 
ital were  altogether  delightful  during  the  summer 
months,  and  in  consequence  attracted  many  notable 
people,  made  Constantinople  a  point  of  observation 
of  unusual  interest. 

For  a  considerable  period  Baron  von  Radowitz 
represented  Germany  at  the  Sublime  Porte.  He 
was  a  charming  man,  bright  in  manner,  and  clever 
in  matters  of  diplomacy.  Although  old  Prince 
Gortschakov  always  asserted  that  the  Baron  was 
a  muddler,  nevertheless  von  Radowitz  managed  to 
do  substantial  work  for  his  country.  It  is  un- 
doubted that  Baron  von  Radowitz  laid  the  founda- 
tions upon  which,  later,  was  built  the  close  friend- 
ship between  William  II.  and  Sultan  Abdul  Hamid. 
This  achievement  was  the  more  remarkable  inas- 
much as  previously  the  relations  between  Germany 
and  Turkey  had  been  cool.  The  student  of  history 
w^ill  need  no  tellins:  that  Prince  Bismarck  never 
kept  secret  the  profound  contempt  he  felt  for  the 
Turk,  and  this  feeling  was  shared  and  expressed 
throughout  Germany.  Nor  was  the  Sublime  Porte 
ignorant  of  the  fact. 

When  William  ascended  the  throne  and  initiated 
his  policy  of  cultivating  the  friendship  of  Turkey, 
his  ambassador  found  ample  scope  for  the  exercise 
of  his  diplomatic  gifts.  It  was  certain  no  "mud- 
dler" could  hope  to  succeed.  Incidentally,  he  had 
a  tremendously  hard  time  of  it  at  first.  Von  der 
Goltz,  it  is  true,  had  been  at  work  with  the  army, 


90     THE  NEAR  EAST  FROM  WITHIN 

but  that  as  yet  was  no  great  influence,  and  the 
Turks  were  quite  willing  to  accept  favours  with- 
out extending  a  reciprocal  friendship.  In  spite  of 
all,  and  in  the  face  of  the  added  difficulty  that  he 
had  to  perform  his  task  without  raising  suspicion 
that  it  was  in  progress,  Baron  von  Radowitz  con- 
trived to  impress  upon  the  Turk  that  he,  at  least, 
held  kindly  feelings  toward  them.  From  this  first 
step,  by  assiduous  cultivation  of  the  right  people, 
he  was  able  to  bring  the  Sublime  Porte  to  consider 
that  Germany  w^as  a  friend  worth  having,  and  that 
he  himself  was  finding  some  measure  of  success  in 
his  indefatigable  efforts  to  eradicate  from  the  minds 
of  his  colleagues  at  Wilhelmstrasse  the  "false  im- 
pression"— the  Baron's  own  delightful  euphemism 
— which,  much  to  his  regret,  had  hitherto  prevailed. 
If  for  nothing  else,  the  service  von  Radowitz  ren- 
dered to  his  country  by  turning  the  mind  of  the 
Turk  toward  Germany  gives  his  name  high  place 
on  the  scroll  of  diplomatic  fame.  Had  he  failed, 
who  knows  what  may  have  been  the  relations  be- 
tween the  two  countries  to-day?  When  William  II. 
made  his  triumphal  journey  to  Constantinople  in 
1889,  it  was  a  triumph  also  for  the  Baron. 

Some  measure  of  the  popularity  enjoyed  by 
Baron  von  Radowitz  was  owing  to  his  wife.  She 
was  a  Russian  by  birth,  and  an  unusually  charming 
woman.  Together  the  Baron  and  his  wife  made  the 
German  Embassy  a  centre  of  social  enjoyment,  for 
von  Radowitz  himself  was  a  perfect  host,  accom- 
plished, entertaining,  and  a  delightful  raconteur. 


BANISHED  TO  MADRID  91 

To  the  humour  of  his  anecdotes  was  added  the  spice 
of  truth,  for  he  was  an  observant  man  and  saw 
many  happenings  which  others  allowed  to  go  un- 
noticed. 

Gossip  said  that  he  possessed  that  attribute  com- 
monly credited  to  diplomats,  and  good-humouredly 
accepted  by  them  almost  as  a  delicate  compliment 
— a  penchant  for  unscrupulousness.  More  tangi- 
ble gifts  were  his  extreme  shrewdness,  his  light- 
ning adaptability,  his  urbane  wiliness,  and  an  admi- 
rable knowledge  of  human  nature.  He  used  these 
qualities  with  considerable  discernment  and  sin- 
gular tact,  and  during  his  tenure  of  office,  at  a 
period  of  exceptional  difficulty,  did  splendid  serv- 
ice for  his  Emperor. 

Yet  for  all  that  he  felt  the  heavy  hand  of  Wil- 
liam II.  when  he  ventured  to  suggest  that  certain 
features  in  a  policy  he  was  instructed  to  pursue  in 
regard  to  Servia  and  Bulgaria  were  unwise.  It  was 
of  no  avail  that  his  knowledge  of  affairs  in  the  Bal- 
kan peninsula  gave  weight  to  his  opinions ;  as  speed- 
ily as  the  thunder  crash  follows  the  flash  of  light- 
ning, his  remonstrance  was  answered  by  instruction 
to  take  up  an  appointment  at  Madrid.  This  un- 
expected and  unforeseen  transference  was  looked 
upon  as  a  sign  of  displeasure,  as  the  ambassadorial 
post  at  Madrid  was  considered  to  involve  much  less 
responsibility  than  at  Constantinople. 

These  events  took  place  between  my  first  and  my 
second  visits  to  the  Bosphorus.  M.  Radowitz  left 
Constantinople  in  1892,  and  in  1897  another  notable 


92     THE  NEAR  EAST  FROM  WITHIN 

diplomat,  my  friend  Baron  Marschall  von  Bieber- 
stein,  was  appointed  in  succession  to  Baron  Saurma 
de  Jeltsch. 

Baron  von  Marschall  had  the  advantage  of  com- 
ing to  Constantinople  direct  from  ministerial  du- 
ties in  Berlin,  in  the  course  of  which,  particularly 
at  the  Foreign  Office,  he  had  attained  to  a  wide 
knowledge  of  the  undercurrents  of  German  policy 
in  regard  to  the  Near  East.  This  was  an  unques- 
tionable asset,  and  all  through  his  diplomatic  serv- 
ice at  the  Sublime  Porte  he  was  guided  and  helped 
by  the  fact  that  he  knew  much  of  the  inner  work- 
ings of  Balkan  state  affairs  and  the  measure  of 
German  influence  exerted  in  the  various  countries 
of  the  group.  In  this  way  he  was  able  to  realise 
that  the  future  of  Turkey  was  in  danger  of  being 
compromised  by  the  intrigues  of  the  smaller  states 
along  her  borders  and  in  the  Balkan  area.  He  was 
also  in  a  favoured  position  when  he  arrived  at  Con- 
stantinople to  checkmate,  or  at  any  rate  counteract, 
these  secret  movements,  and  he  was  not  slow  in 
beginning  operations.  The  Baron  was  not  long  in 
office  at  the  embassy  ere  he  discovered  that  the  dip- 
lomats of  other  countries,  not  excepting  Russia, 
though  not  entirely  unaware  of  the  way  the  tide 
was  flowing,  were  ignorant  of  the  strength  of  the 
current  and  of  the  potentialities  of  the  situation. 

As  earlier  chapters  have  shown,  Bieberstein  was 
energetic  in  stemming  the  tide  by  quietly  setting 
to  work  to  strengthen  Turkey.  It  was  only  natu- 
ral,   and   perfectly   legitimate   diplomacy,    that   he 


THE  SITUATION  IN  1897  93 

should  make  capital  out  of  his  efforts  by  keeping 
the  Sultan  and  high  officials  in  Turkey  in  a  con- 
tinual state  of  acknowledgment  of  their  obligations 
to  Germany  for  thus  befriending  her.  From  that 
step  to  the  definite  exercise  of  influence  directed 
to  the  establishment  of  German  control  in  certain 
departments  of  state  administration  was  not  a  su- 
perhuman task  for  a  diplomat  of  such  capabilities 
and  resource  as  Baron  von  Marschall.  What  Rado- 
witz  began,  Bieberstein  brought  to  fruition. 

At  the  time  the  Baron  took  office  he  found  Aus- 
tria waiting  the  chance  to  annex  Bosnia  and  Herze- 
govina from  the  Sultan  of  Turkey,  and  moreover 
was  casting  longing  eyes  toward  Servia,  to  the  det- 
riment of  the  Obrenovitch  dynasty.  His  particular 
fear  so  far  as  Servia  was  concerned  was  that  were 
Austria  to  gain  her  ambition  in  that  quarter  it 
would  only  prove  a  further  menace  to  Turkey, 
which  was  unthinkable.  Circumstances  combined 
to  defeat  Baron  von  Marschall,  and  Bosnia  and 
Herzegovina  became  part  of  Austria-Hungary. 
I  have  heard  it  whispered  that  the  Baron  was  not 
so  inconsolable  as  might  have  been  expected  from 
his  early  championing  of  Turkey's  cause  against 
Austria,  the  reason  being  the  passing  of  certain 
suggestions  from  Berlin  as  to  the  modified  attitude 
to  be  observed  in  regard  to  the  afifairs  of  the  Em- 
peror Francis  Joseph.  Be  that  as  it  may,  it  seemed 
good  policy  to  impress  upon  the  nations  of  the  Near 
East  that  Turkey  had  found  a  loyal  friend  in  Ger- 
many, and  was  likely,  therefore,  to  take  on  a  new 


94     THE  NEAR  EAST  FROM  WITHIN 

lease  of  life.  The  effect  was  soon  observed  in  Tur- 
key's renewed  prestige,  and  the  feeling  that  Ger- 
many was  behind  the  scenes  while  Turkey  was  in 
the  limelight  threw  cold  water  on  the  unhealthy  am- 
bition of  Ferdinand,  who  was  then  a  prince  of  Bul- 
garia yearning  for  a  kingdom  of  his  own.  When 
Bulgaria  declared  its  independence  in  1908,  and 
Ferdinand  found  his  ambition  realised,  he  did  not 
forget  his  dislike  of  Baron  von  Bieberstein,  and 
this  feeling  has  tinctured  Ferdinand's  feelings  in 
relation  to  Germany,  toward  whom  he  has  pre- 
served an  elusive  attitude  of  fulsome  promise  of 
decisions  always  to  be  made  in  the  future. 

Much  to  the  delight  of  Bieberstein,  the  feeling 
of  uncertainty  as  to  the  exact  value  of  Ferdinand's 
promises  and  the  nature  of  his  real  intentions  was 
shared  by  William  II.,  who  in  those  days  exhibited 
a  lukewarm  tolerance  for  Ferdinand.  It  can  hardly 
be  described  in  warmer  phrases,  and  even  when 
the  Archduke  Franz  Ferdinand,  who  was  fond  of 
his  cousin  Ferdinand,  did  his  best  to  bring  about 
a  better  understanding  between  Ferdinand  and 
William  II.,  the  effort  did  not  succeed.  All  this  by- 
play of  circumstance  was  so  much  gained  for  the 
plans  of  von  Marschall,  whose  ambition  was  to 
bring  Turkey  into  the  Triple  Alliance.  The  forces 
which  he  hoped  would  bring  about  such  a  consum- 
mation were  twofold.  First,  Turkey's  acceptance 
of  Germany's  emphatic  protestations  of  disinter- 
ested friendship,  and,  secondly,  Turkey's  fear  of 
her  neighbours. 


BARON  VON  WANGENHEIM  95 

Baron  von  Bieberstein's  efforts  to  further  Ger- 
man interests  in  Turkey  need  no  recounting;  they 
were  so  far  successful  that  he  brought  within  meas- 
urable range  of  signing  a  treaty  of  alliance  between 
the  two  empires.  From  his  advent  in  1897  all 
von  Marschall's  energies  had  been  directed  toward 
securing  a  dominant  voice  in  Turkish  affairs,  and 
it  was  a  bitter  disappointment  that  the  crowning 
triumph  of  an  alliance  under  clauses  framed  at 
Wilhelmstrasse  was  frustrated  by  the  obstinacy  of 
Abdul  Hamid,  who  at  the  last  minute  refused  to 
bind  himself  by  anything  more  tangible  than  his 
verbal  assurance  of  support  in  the  event  of  a  war 
breaking  out  in  the  West.  When  the  astute  diplo- 
mat was  thus  frustrated,  he  sought  to  encompass 
his  aim  through  the  instrumentality  of  Enver  Bey, 
whose  star  was  in  the  ascendant — but  that  is  a  story 
already  told. 

Baron  Marschall  von  Bieberstein  was  a  big  man, 
broad  shouldered,  rugged,  and  kindly  in  appear- 
ance. He  was  a  clever  talker,  and  had  the  rare 
quality  of  jovial  enthusiasm  in  his  social  enjoy- 
ments. In  conversation  he  was  apt  to  indulge  in 
humour  of  a  satirical  tinge,  but  was  broad  minded 
in  his  views,  and  possessed  of  a  quick  intuition 
which  made  him  extraordinarily  adaptable.  When 
he  was  appointed  to  London  in  the  summer  of  19 12 
it  was  felt  that  he  honestly  deserved  the  reward 
of  such  an  exalted  position.  And  when  he  died, 
a  few  brief  months  after  his  appointment,  even  his 
enemies,  of  whom  he  made  many  during  his  force- 


96     THE  NEAR  EAST  FROM  WITHIN 

ful  career  at  the  Berlin  Foreign  Office,  conceded 
that  a  great  man  had  passed  away. 

I  learned  with  sincere  gratification  of  the  ap- 
pointment of  Baron  von  Wangenheim  to  the  em- 
bassy at  Constantinople.  He  is  a  personal  friend 
of  mine.  The  Emperor's  choice  was  a  particularly 
happy  one.  He  is  as  tactful  and  enterprising  as 
his  predecessor  had  been,  and  quick  at  seizing  op- 
portunities which  would  prove  beneficial  to  his 
country.  During  the  Balkan  crisis  his  conduct  was 
prudent  in  the  extreme,  and  even  in  the  moments 
of  greatest  tension  he  contrived  both  to  keep  cool 
and  to  mask  his  real  opinions. 

Baron  von  Wangenheim  was  a  whole-souled  be- 
liever in  the  Welt-politik  of  Emperor  William  II., 
and  was  firmly  convinced  that  the  Germans  were 
God's  own  people.  It  was  under  his  reign  at  the 
embassy  that  the  secret  compact  which  Baron  von 
Marschall  had  so  nearly  brought  about  was  finally 
entered  into.*  The  achievement  gave  considerable 
satisfaction  among  those  who  viewed  with  trepi- 
dation the  loosening  of  the  ties  of  the  Triple  Alli- 
ance upon  "treacherous  Italy,"  as  the  third  party 
to  the  1887  treaty  was  freely  called  at  that  time. 

Of  other  diplomats  whom  I  met  during  my  visits 
to  Constantinople,  Margrave  Pallavicini,  the  rep- 
resentative from   1906  of  our  ally  Austria,   finds 

*  Notwithstanding  the  absence  of  official  sanction,  the  in- 
tent of  the  compact  can  be  looked  upon  in  no  other  light  than 
that  of  a  verbally  agreed  Alliance.  At  Wilhelmstrasse  that 
was  the  status  given  to  the  affair. 


M.  LOUIS  BOMPARD  97 

foremost  place.  He  was  a  member  of  the  Hun- 
garian branch  of  that  ilkistrious  family  and  the 
embodiment  of  polished  courtliness.  He  became 
popular  almost  as  soon  as  he  took  up  residence  at 
Pera,  his  dignity  and  affability  making  his  society 
much  sought  after.  He  tried  to  put  at  ease  all 
who  spoke  to  him,  but  was  a  past  master  in  the 
art  of  politely  extinguishing  any  venturesome  per- 
son who  attempted  to  take  a  liberty.  At  times  his 
ways  have  a  suspicion  of  pomposity,  which  is  inva- 
riably forgiven — because,  he  is  exceedingly  rich. 
His  diplomatic  labours  are  characterised  by  strong 
common  sense,  and  he  is  an  ambassador  with 
principles. 

I  met  M.  Louis  Bompard  only  on  my  last  visit, 
though  he  had  represented  France  at  the  Sublime 
Porte  from  1909.  Previously  he  had  held  the  dip- 
lomatic office  at  Petersburg,  a  fact  which  was  of 
considerable  use  to  him  in  watching  developments 
at  Constantinople.  When  he  came  to  the  embassy 
the  work  of  overshadowing  Russian  by  German 
influence  was  wellnigh  completed,  but  he  found 
scope  for  his  energies  and  much  that  interested  him. 
Though  probably  few  would  have  called  him  bril- 
liant, M.  Bompard  was  undeniably  clever  and  pos- 
sessed a  singularly  keen  quality  of  penetration.  I 
believe  he  discerned  more  of  the  real  situation,  and 
what  were  the  real  factors  producing  it,  than  many 
a  one  who  had  been  on  the  spot  for  years.  He 
freely  condemned  European  interference,  and  was 
particularly   disdainful   of   what   he   liked   to   call 


98     THE  NEAR  EAST  FROM  WITHIN 

"Harem  intrigues."  And  because  he  held  himself 
aloof  from  every  kind  of  intrigue,  he  gained  the 
sincere  respect  of  the  pashas  and  other  officers  who 
were  the  private  advisers  of  the  Sultan. 

Mehmed  Rechad  had  been  three  months  on  the 
throne  when  M.  Bompard  arrived  in  Berlin,  which 
meant  that  the  French  ambassador  missed  the  revo- 
lution. He  was  not  sorry  to  leave  Petersburg, 
where  he  paid  the  social  penalty  of  following  an 
exceedingly  rich  ambassador  who  entertained  lav- 
ishly and  who  was  of  high  birth.  Nevertheless, 
he  was  staunch  and  unwavering  in  his  sympathies 
for  Russia  as  a  nation,  and  did  the  best  he  could 
to  act  in  harmony  with  the  Tsar's  representative 
on  all  the  grave  and  important  questions  that  arose 
during  his  sojourn  in  Turkey. 

Although  personally,  as  a  political  agent  seek- 
ing ever  to  further  the  interests  of  my  own  coun- 
try, I  could  do  nothing  but  rejoice  at  the  outcome, 
I  often  felt  that  M.  Bompard  was  hampered,  and 
secretly  vexed,  at  the  want  of  appreciation  with 
which  his  Russian  colleague  met  his  efforts.  More 
than  once  when  the  Frenchman  proposed  some  joint 
representation  which  he  felt  it  necessary  for  their 
common  interests  that  they  should  make  to  the  Sub- 
lime Porte,  he  found  M.  de  Giers  unwilling  to  do 
so.  Not  from  any  unfriendliness,  but  from  what 
was  more  galling  still  to  M.  Bompard,  a  refusal 
to  recognise  any  need  to  disturb  the  contentment 
which — because  it  seemed  so  on  the  surface — the 
Russian  ambassador  was  satisfied  really  prevailed. 


SIR  LOUIS  MALLET  99 

M.  de  Giers  was  far  too  optimistic  for  his  French 
colleague's  peace  of  mind. 

Before  I  understood  the  personality  of  M. 
Bompard  I  ventured  to  ask  his  opinion  of  the  fu- 
ture development  of  Turkey,  and  u^hat  part  she 
would  play  in  the  event  of  trouble  ever  arising 
between  the  Triple  Alliance  and  the  triple  under- 
standing. The  incident  took  place  in  the  spring  of 
1913,  about  a  week  after  I  had  arrived  in  Constan- 
tinople. We  found  ourselves  smoking  cigarettes 
together  whilst  we  looked  out  over  the  Bosphorus 
after  a  dinner  to  which  a  society  hostess  had  in- 
vited us.  I  did  not  attempt  the  experiment  again. 
The  diplomat's  manner  warned  me  it  might  be  dan- 
gerous. His  clear,  serious  eyes  seemed  to  read  one 
through,  and  he  gave  one  the  impression  of  hav- 
ing immediately  divined  the  underlying  motive  for 
putting  a  leading  question.  I  have  been  told,  and 
I  quite  believe  it,  that  when  the  European  crisis 
arose,  M.  Bompard  very  nearly  persuaded  the  Otto- 
man Government  to  remain  neutral.  Such  an 
eventuality  would  have  destroyed  the  years  of  pa- 
tient fostering  of  German  interest  and  influence. 
Yet,  notwithstanding  all,  at  one  moment  it  seemed 
imminent  that  Turkey  would  forget  all  that  Ger- 
many had  done  for  her,  and  in  the  face  of  well- 
defined  moral  obligations  have  remained  passive  at 
a  moment  when  her  adherence  to  all  the  protesta- 
tion of  friendship  she  had  made  was  vital.  M. 
Bompard  did  not  succeed.    By  expedients  familiar 


loo  THE  NEAR  EAST  FROM  WITHIN 

to  German  diplomacy,  Baron  von  Wangenheim 
turned  the  scales  in  favour  of  his  country. 

I  did  not  see  much  of  Sir  Louis  Mallet,  the  repre- 
sentative of  King  George  V.  He  had  a  great  name 
for  cleverness  and  boasted  of  considerable  political 
experience,  besides  being  a  very  amiable,  pleasant, 
and  agreeable  man.  He  had  the  reputation,  too, 
of  being  a  keen  observer.  The  German  Emperor, 
I  am  aware,  hated  him,  because,  having  had  occa- 
sion to  see  Sir  Louis  in  London,  Sir  Louis  had 
been  rude  to  him  in  the  way  of  showing  too  plainly 
to  William  H.  how  very  little  value  he  placed  on 
the  protestations  of  friendship  for  England  which 
the  German  sovereign  boasted. 

Among  other  diplomats  with  whom  I  became  ac- 
quainted at  Constantinople,  the  Italian  ambassador, 
the  Marquis  Garroni,  was  a  perfect  type.  Though 
he  occupied  a  post  which  was  most  important  in 
view  of  the  different  questions  still  being  discussed 
between  Italy  and  Turkey,  he  did  not  seem  to  worry 
much  about  them,  and  took  life  most  easily,  which 
perhaps  was  the  best  thing  he  could  do  under  the 
circumstances.  I  did  not  care  much  for  him,  and, 
besides,  I  had  been  warned  in  Berlin  not  to  allow 
myself  to  be  drawn  into  an  intimacy  with  him,  and 
especially  recommended  not  to  allow  him  to  guess 
that  the  question  of  a  German-Turkish  alliance  was 
or  had  ever  been  in  question. 

Perhaps  the  only  ambassador  who  could  boast  of 
perfect  knowledge  of  Eastern  life  and  Eastern  poli- 
tics was  the  Dutch  minister.  Dr.  van  der  Does  de 


SIR  LOUIS  MALLET  loi 

Villebois,  who,  thanks  to  his  long  sojourn  in  Egypt, 
which  had  preceded  his  appointment  in  Constanti- 
nople, had  acquired  an  unrivalled  experience  that 
was  to  be  envied  concerning  Oriental  manners,  cus- 
toms, and  intrigues. 


CHAPTER  VIII 

THE   SHEIKH-UL-ISLAM    AND   RELIGIOUS 

FANATICISM 

CONTRARY  to  the  general  belief,  Turks, 
as  a  rule,  are  not  fanatics;  they  show 
themselves  so  tolerant  in  religious  matters 
that,  with  advantage,  their  example  might  be  fol- 
lowed by  a  good  many  Christians.  Legends  which 
represent  them  as  thirsting  for  the  blood  of  the 
infidel  are  just  legends  and  nothing  more.  The 
last  war  which  took  place  between  Turkey  and 
Servia  and  Bulgaria  proved  with  evidence  that  both 
parties  were  fighting  for  political  supremacy,  and 
not  for  the  faith  which  they  professed.  And  as  for 
the  atrocities  committed  during  its  course,  they 
were  performed  by  all  parties  without  exception. 
The  Bulgarians,  for  instance,  pillaged  and  de- 
stroyed, and  burned;  they  killed  without  discrimi- 
nation, and  showed  themselves  as  ferocious  as  they 
were  pitiless.  More  than  once  the  victims  which 
they  left  behind  them  wherever  they  went  were 
picked  up  and  cared  for  by  the  Turks,  whom  they 
had  tried  to  represent  as  merciless  in  regard  to  the 
Christians. 

In  political  matters  the  Turks  are  quite  willing  to 
live  and  let  live,  but  they  do  not  admit  any  en- 

I02 


THE  HOWLING  DERVISHES         103 

croachment  on  the  traditions  which  in  bygone  times 
made  them  great.  They  believe  that  an  hour  will 
come  when  the  crescent  shall  once  more  rise  tri- 
umphant in  countries  where  of  old  it  reigned  su- 
preme, and  that  the  last  day  of  Islam  has  not  risen 
yet.  They  have  a  constant  indignation  at  the  servi- 
tude to  which  the  followers  of  the  prophet  are  con- 
demned in  Egypt,  India,  Central  Asia,  and  French 
territory  in  Africa.  This  sentiment  is  genuine; 
they  lament  over  it  and  weep  over  the  degradation 
of  their  race  and  of  their  faith.  In  their  religious 
fervour  they  have  remained  the  same  as  of  old; 
they  are  ever  ready  to  respond  to  the  call  of  those 
who  know  how  to  appeal  to  that  trait  in  their  char- 
acter. The  fate  of  their  country  might  under  cer- 
tain circumstances  have  left  them  indifferent,  whilst 
the  danger  of  Islam  will  always  succeed  in  rousing 
them  either  to  great  deeds  or  to  strong  actions. 

Lately,  and  especially  since  the  accession  of  the 
present  Sultan,  those  feelings  came  rather  to  the 
front  owing  to  the  influence  of  the  Sheikh-ul-Islam 
and  the  leaders  of  the  dancing  and  howling 
dervishes  of  Constantinople.  In  order  to  consoli- 
date his  own  position,  Rechad  felt  himself  compelled 
to  stand  up  as  the  protector  of  all  Moslems.  The 
Emperor  William,  being  made  aware  of  this,  had 
not  neglected  to  wield  influence  in  Constantinople 
through  such  channels.  Unknown  even  to  his  own 
ambassadors,  because  it  was  only  towards  the  end 
of  his  sojourn  in  Turkey  that  Baron  von  Marschall 
had  become  aware  of  it,  he  had  entered  into  rela- 


I04  THE  NEAR  EAST  FROM  WITHIN 

tions  with  the  Sheikh-ul-Islam.  He  had  even  been 
in  correspondence  with  the  sheikh  of  the  howling 
dervishes,  a  personage  of  vast  influence.  The 
sheikh  was  a  man  already  advanced  in  years,  with 
a  venerable  countenance,  whose  austerity  of  life 
had  brought  him  into  great  reputation  among  the 
poorer  classes  of  Constantinople.  At  a  sign  thou- 
sands of  people  would  follow  him  to  the  ends  of  the 
earth.  A  word  uttered  by  him  was  sufficient  to 
provoke  or  to  appease  a  rebellion,  and  more  than 
once  his  intervention  had  saved  Abdul  Hamid  from 
the  fate  which  only  befell  him  because  he  had  not 
sufficiently  taken  into  account  the  importance  of 
that  leader  of  the  religious  party  in  Turkey,  and 
had  slighted  him  on  several  occasions.  The  sheikh 
was  a  most  vindictive  individual  by  nature,  and 
he  never  forgot  or  forgave  an  injury.  He  had  had 
occasion  to  ask  Abdul  Hamid  to  appoint  one  of 
his  relatives  as  aide-de-camp  to  His  Majesty.  But 
Abdul  did  not  care  to  have  close  to  his  person  any- 
one belonging  to  the  immediate  surroundings  of 
the  sheikh,  and  refused  the  request  in  language  of 
unnecessary  violence.  This  was  sufficient  to  set 
against  him  that  august  personage,  and  from  that 
day  his  fate  was  sealed,  and  his  deposition  became 
a  matter  of  time. 

The  Emperor,  who  had  been  kept  informed  as 
to  the  smallest  details  connected  with  this  quarrel, 
thought  it  opportune  to  interfere.  It  was  only  then 
that  Baron  von  Marschall  was  ordered  to  go  and 
pay  personally  his  respects  to  the  sheikh,  and  to 


OVERTURES  TO  WILLIAM  11.       105 

discuss  together  with  him  certain  questions  inimi- 
cal to  Abdul  Hamid.  In  this  way  the  Baron  learned 
of  what  had  long  been  in  progress.  Clever  as  he 
was,  he  had  not  suspected  the  secret,  nor  did  he 
at  first  grasp  its  inner  meaning.  But  when  von 
Marschall  was  told  later  on  to  use  his  endeavours 
to  cultivate  the  friendship  of  the  Khedive  of  Egypt, 
who  used  to  spend  part  of  the  summer  in  Con- 
stantinople, he  began  to  understand  what  lay  at 
the  root  of  these  assurances  of  friendship  which 
the  German  Emperor  was  so  eager  to  have  trans- 
mitted to  these  people,  whom  he  had  never  seen  in 
his  life,  but  whose  co-operation  he  was  so  anxious 
to  secure. 

Another  powerful  personage  was  the  Sheikh-ul- 
Islam.  Essad  Effendi,  who  then  occupied  that  im- 
portant position,  was  domineering  by  nature,  but 
he  had  great  intellectual  faculties,  a  keen  taste  for 
intrigue,  and  the  wish  to  be  consulted  in  every  im- 
portant political  decision  in  which  the  interests  of 
his  country  were  concerned.  He  believed  himself 
to  be  a  leader  of  men,  which  he  certainly  was  by 
virtue  of  the  great  religious  power  which  he 
wielded.  He  disliked  Abdul  Hamid,  more  for  the 
latter's  cruelties  than  from  any  personal  feeling, 
whilst  he  had  always  nursed  a  certain  amount  of 
pity  for  the  miserable,  persecuted  Mehmed  Rechad. 
It  is  not  surprising,  therefore,  that  he  entered  with 
alacrity  into  the  conspiracy  which  aimed  at  dis- 
possessing the  Sultan  of  his  crown.  Essad  Effendi 
was  generally  liked,  and  even  had  few  enemies. 


io6  THE  NEAR  EAST  FROM  WITHIN 

His  ambition  was  enormous,  and  he  did  not  make 
a  secret  of  the  fact  that  he  aspired  to  be  the  in- 
strument by  which  Moslems  would  at  last  be  re- 
united under  the  sceptre  of  the  Commander  of  the 
Faithful. 

It  is  not  generally  known  that  it  was  the  Sheikh- 
ul-Islam  who  made  overtures  of  friendship  to  the 
German  Emperor,  and  not  vice  versa.  He  had  been 
excessively  impressed  by  the  personality  of  Wil- 
liam II.,  and  by  the  pomp  which  had  attended  his 
famous  visit  to  Abdul  Hamid.  Essad  Effendi,  who 
was  not  Sheikh-ul-Islam  at  that  time,  formed  a 
good  idea  of  the  strength  of  Turkey's  new  friend. 
He  saw  at  once  that  with  the  exercise  of  a  little 
diplomacy  he  might  secure  for  himself,  as  well  as 
for  his  country,  the  promise  that,  whatever  hap- 
pened later  on,  neither  he  nor  they  would  be  for- 
saken by  the  Protestant  monarch  whose  protection 
they  had  succeeded  in  winning. 

Essad  Effendi,  ever  since  the  outbreak  of  the 
first  Balkan  war,  had  worked  upon  the  mind  of  the 
Sultan  and  done  his  best  to  make  Rechad  enter  into 
the  spirit  of  the  Mohammedan  crusade  which  he 
preached.  It  was  partly  through  his  intervention 
that,  when  hostilities  broke  out  between  Germany 
and  Russia,  the  Turkish  Government  ceased  to  keep 
secret  its  hostility  in  regard  to  the  Russians.  He 
played  upon  the  ambition  of  Mehmed  Rechad,  and 
tried  to  inspire  him  with  the  desire  to  deliver  his 
persecuted  brothers  and  proclaim  himself  as  head 
of  a  vast  Moslem  state  which  should  include  all 


COMBATING  FAITHS  107 

Mohammedans  in  the  world.  Under  the  glamour 
of  this  influence  the  spirit  of  the  Egyptian  Mahdi 
began  to  stir  in  Essad's  bosom.  He  dreamt  of  a 
day  when  he  would  be  able  to  restore  Egypt  to 
its  former  position,  and,  being  practical  to  an  un- 
common degree,  quite  appreciated  the  advantage  it 
would  be  to  him  to  gain  possession  also  of  the  Suez 
Canal. 

In  the  early  days  of  the  war,  therefore,  the  Sul- 
tan, helped  by  the  advice  of  the  sheikh  of  the 
dervishes  and  of  Essad  Effendi,  determined  to 
make  full  use  of  this  wonderful  opportunity  which 
was  given  to  him  so  unexpectedly,  and  forthwith 
started  to  proclaim  the  Holy  War  against  the  in- 
fidels, causing  to  be  displayed  the  green  flag  of 
the  Prophet,  an  event  almost  unprecedented  in  the 
history  of  Turkey  in  modern  times. 

The  call  was  responded  to  with  enthusiasm,  and 
from  all  parts  of  Asia  Minor  and  the  Arabian  Des- 
ert men  came  pouring  in,  eager  to  join  the  army 
that  was  being  assembled  to  fight  against  the 
unbelievers. 

William  II.  rejoiced  to  find  that  his  cherished 
hopes  were  on  the  way  to  fulfilment,  and  that  if 
Italy  abandoned  him,  Turkey  would  prove  faith- 
ful. He  knew  that  he  had  been  suspected  of  in- 
triguing at  Constantinople  against  the  Tsar  and 
against  Russian  influence,  and  it  had  always  an- 
gered him  to  hear  people  making  allusion  to  that 
fact,  because  he  had  always  the  fear  that  the  ex- 
ample of  Abdul  Hamid  might  be  imitated  by  his 


io8  THE  NEAR  EAST  FROM  WITHIN 

brother  and  successor,  and  that  at  the  crucial  mo- 
ment the  latter  would  hesitate  to  plunge  his  coun- 
try into  such  an  adventure.  He  must,  therefore, 
have  rejoiced  considerably  when  at  last  Mehmed 
Rechad  decided  to  unfold  the  sacred  banner  of 
Islam  against  Orthodox  Russia. 

It  is  a  curious  trick  of  circumstance  that  we  be- 
hold the  strange  spectacle  of  Protestant  Prussia 
fighting  together  with  Moslem  hosts  against  Cath- 
olic France,  Buddhist  Japan,  Orthodox  Greek  Rus- 
sia, and  Christian  England.  Amidst  the  many  won- 
ders of  an  age  of  wonders  it  is  one  of  the  most 
interesting,  and  also,  perhaps,  one  of  the  most  dan- 
gerous, omens  to  the  future  peace  of  the  world. 


CHAPTER  IX 

KHEDIVE   ABBAS    HILMI 

IN  an  earlier  chapter  I  made  a  passing  refer- 
ence to  the  relations  between  Sultan  Abaul 
Hamid  and  the  young  Khedive  of  Egypt.  On 
my  first  Eastern  visit  I  had  occasion  to  go  to  Egypt 
from  Constantinople,  and  there  learned  many  in- 
teresting things.  I  knew  earlier  that  as  soon  as 
he  ascended  the  throne  William  II.  did  his  best  to 
cultivate  the  friendship  of  Moslem  Egypt.  Tewfik 
Pasha  was  still  alive  at  that  time,  and  he  did  not 
respond  to  the  advances  of  Germany  with  as  much 
readiness  as  might  have  been  supposed  or  expected. 
He  was  a  very  shrewd  man  in  spite  of  his  appar- 
ent heaviness,  and  he  was  moreover  entirely  con- 
vinced that  English  influence  and  English  interests 
were  best  for  his  country  and  himself.  He  realised 
that  any  attempt  to  throw  off  the  English  yoke 
would  have  the  direst  consequences.  He  therefore 
cultivated  a  spirit  of  absolute  agreement  with  Lord 
Cromer,  who  at  that  time  filled  with  much  distinc- 
tion the  delicate  functions  of  English  Agent-Gen- 
eral in  Egypt. 

Lord  Cromer  appreciated  the  deference  of  the 
Khedive,  and  at  the  same  time  was  very  well  aware 
of  the  considerable  support  Tewfik  Pasha  could 

109 


no  THE  NEAR  EAST  FROM  WITHIN 

give  against  the  intrigues  of  the  so-called  French 
party  which  aspired  at  the  time  to  gain  the  upper 
hand  in  questions  concerning  the  interior  admin- 
istration of  Egypt.  This  course  on  the  part  of 
Lord  Cromer  was  well  advised,  as  the  French  party 
was  secretly  supported  by  no  less  a  personage  than 
the  famous  Nubar  Pasha,  who  was  Prime  Minister 
during  the  greater  part  of  the  reign  of  Tewfik. 
Under  these  conditions  the  advances  of  the  young 
German  Emperor  encountered  considerable  cool- 
ness, and  when  he  caused  tentative  inquiries  to  be 
made  of  certain  members  of  the  Egyptian  native 
administration  as  to  the  degree  of  welcome  a  visit 
of  his  in  Cairo  would  receive,  the  idea  was  met  with 
distinct  disapproval. 

Tewfik  sought  the  advice  of  Lord  Cromer,  who 
found  it  easy  to  explain  that  it  would  be  to  the 
advantage  of  no  one  if  the  German  engineers,  who 
would  undoubtedly  have  accompanied  William  II., 
could  have  the  opportunity  to  examine  in  detail 
all  the  improvements  which  England  had  in  prog- 
ress in  order  to  facilitate  the  development  of  agri- 
culture in  that  country,  and  the  different  measures 
of  safety  which  had  been  adopted  to  preserve  the 
integrity  of  the  Suez  Canal.  The  Emperor  was 
therefore  given  most  respectfully  and  most  courte- 
ously to  understand  that  his  arrival  in  Egypt  would 
not  be  considered  opportune,  and  the  honour  of  his 
presence  there  was  therefore  declined  with  abun- 
dant thanks. 

This  was  all  explained  to  me  in  a  spirit  of  mali- 


A  REBUFF  TO  WILLIAM  11.         iii 

cious  glee  by  an  effendi  who  knew  my  nationality, 
and  hoped  to  have  the  satisfaction  of  watching  my 
discomfiture.  I  flatter  myself  that  I  successfully 
concealed  my  emotions. 

The  incident  was  not  without  its  value  to  me, 
as  I  was  able  to  report  to  Berlin  the  underlying 
fears  which  had  dictated  the  polite  refusal.  Later 
I  was  told  that  the  knowledge  did  not  please  Em- 
peror William,  who  felt  the  affront  very  keenly. 
I  would  not  do  more  than  make  the  statement  with 
all  reserve,  but  I  was  definitely  informed  that  the 
German  Emperor  has  hated  Lord  Cromer  ever 
since,  and  the  hatred  went  so  far  that  he  actually 
inspired,  and  in  one  or  two  instances  corrected  with 
his  own  hand,  newspaper  articles  in  which  the  great 
English  pro-consul  was  bitterly  maligned. 

Concurrently  with  the  permeation  of  Turkish 
official  circles  with  German  influence,  attempts  were 
made  to  secure  the  sympathies  of  several  people 
in  Egypt  who  viewed  with  dissatisfaction  the  prog- 
ress of  English  influence.  In  due  course,  even 
among  the  Khedive's  immediate  surroundings, 
champions  were  secured  who  began  to  insinuate 
to  Tewfik  that  after  all  he  was  allowed  to  play  but 
little  part  in  the  government  of  his  own  country. 
This  was  followed  by  the  suggestion  that  if  he 
would  but  let  friends  in  other  directions  help  him, 
he  might  wield  far  greater  power  and  adopt  a  po- 
litical course  unfettered  by  English  control. 

Among  these  people  was  the  Countess  S ,  for 

something  like  half  a  century  one  of  the  most  im- 


112   THE  NEAR  EAST  FROM  WITHIN 

portant  personages  in  Cairo  society.  A  Russian 
by  birth,  married  to  an  Italian,  she  was  a  clever,  in- 
triguing woman  who  had  ingratiated  herself  in  the 
good  graces  of  the  Khedivah,  or  Vice  Reine,  and 
so  obtained  free  access  to  the  Khedivial  harem. 
The  Countess  could  be  influenced  in  whatever  di- 
rection the  inducement  was  most  tangible,  and, 
strange  to  say,  though  a  subject  of  the  Tsar  by 
birth,  she  acquired  strong  German  sympathies.  She 
became  the  stoutest  supporter  of  the  German  Em- 
peror's policy  in  the  East. 

Whether  in  the  long  run  the  Countess  would 
have  been  allowed  to  continue  her  German  intrigues 
remains  a  question,  but  she  discovered  that  certain 
who  were  necessary  to  her  success  would  not  allow 
themselves  to  be  deluded  by  her  sophistry  or 
tempted  by  her  promises.  Foremost  among  her 
declared  enemies  was  a  cousin  of  the  Khedivei, 
Princess  Nazli,  a  remarkable  woman,  still  charm- 
ing, though  long  past  middle  age,  who  had  been 
one  of  the  first  champions  of  female  emancipation 
in  Turkey,  In  Egypt  she  partly  succeeded  in  break- 
ing down  the  barriers.  Except  for  the  fact  that 
she  wore  a  yashmak  and  a  feridgi  when  she  went 
out,  the  Princess  adopted  entirely  the  life  of  a  Eu- 
ropean lady  of  rank,  even  to  the  length  of  receiv- 
ing masculine  visitors  in  her  palace,  without  a  veil 
hiding  her  features.  She  was  devoted  to  England 
and  everything  English,  and  exceedingly  fond  of 
both  Lord  and  Lady  Cromer,  who  were  frequent 
guests  at  her  ancient  Moorish  palace  in  the  old 


THE  PRINCESS  NAZLI  113 

quarters  of  Cairo.  The  Princess  used  to  keep  them 
very  well  posted  as  to  all  the  different  intrigues 
that  were  continually  going  on  amidst  the  surround- 
ings of  the  weak  and  kind-hearted  Khedive. 

She  possessed  a  certain  influence  over  her  cou- 
sin, the  Khedive,  who,  though  secretly  afraid  of 
her,  yet  recognised  her  great  and  unmistakable 
qualities.  Whether  that  influence  would  have  been 
durable  is  a  problem  which  remains  unsolved,  be- 
cause Tewfik  Pasha  died  quite  suddenly  and  un- 
expectedly, leaving  his  throne  to  a  young  boy.  This 
lad  had  been  bred  in  the  atmosphere  of  his  mother's 
harem,  under  the  control  of  his  mother's  friends; 
he  was  strongly  independent  by  nature,  but  as  lim- 
ited in  insight  as  he  was  in  experience. 

When  Abbas  Hilmi  became  Khedive  he  at  once 
proclaimed  himself  the  protector  of  the  independ- 
ent rights  of  Egypt,  and  made  no  secret  of  his  dis- 
like of  everything  English.  From  the  very  outset 
he  showed  slavish  deference  toward  the  Sultan. 
He  flattered  Abdul  Hamid  and  succeeded  in  in- 
gratiating himself  in  his  good  graces.  This  was 
no  difficult  matter,  as  the  astute  Abdul  Hamid  saw 
at  once  the  use  which  he  could  make  of  the  head- 
strong youth  who,  from  the  very  first  instant  that 
he  had  succeeded  his  father,  applied  himself  to  defy 
England.  Unfortunately,  in  order  to  do  that  with 
a  chance  of  success  it  would  have  required  a 
stronger  man  than  Abbas  Hilmi,  who  in  the  end 
had  his  pride  humbled,  first  by  Lord  Cromer,  then 
by  Sir  Eldon  Gorst,  and  lastly  by  the  next  Agent, 


114    i^HE  NEAR  EAST  FROM  WITHIN 

Lord  Kitchener.  From  the  moment  of  Lord  Kitch- 
ener's appointment  the  prestige  of  Abbas  Hilmi  be- 
gan to  decrease  almost  hourly,  until  at  last  he  came 
to  be  considered  even  by  his  own  subjects  as  an 
automaton. 

This  state  of  affairs  was  admittedly  prejudicial 
to  German  interests,  but  it  would  not  be  faithful 
to  history  to  suppress  the  facts  simply  because  they 
were  uncongenial  to  my  friends  at  Wilhelmstrasse. 
The  realisation  of  the  struggling  forces  in  Egypt 
caused  a  more  persistent  effort  to  be  put  forth  to 
strengthen  German  influence.  When,  some  few 
years  after  Abbas  Hilmi  came  to  the  throne.  Baron 
von  Bieberstein  was  appointed  to  Constantinople, 
he  was  enjoined  to  establish  intimate  relations  with 
the  Khedive.  Abdul  Hamid,  after  his  deposition, 
was  also  induced  to  take  Abbas  under  his  protec- 
tion. When  Abdul  Hamid  was  allowed  to  return 
to  Constantinople,  he  aided  Abbas  Hilmi  to  a  con- 
siderable extent  out  of  private  means  which  Abdul 
had  given  into  the  care  of  William  II.  But  for 
that  the  extravagant  Khedive  would  often  have 
found  himself  financially  embarrassed,  because 
Lord  Kitchener  was  inflexible  in  his  refusal  when- 
ever he  was  appealed  to  for  an  increase  to  the  civil 
list. 

Abbas  Hilmi  could  not  fail  to  perceive  the  dif- 
ference in  the  treatment  accorded  to  him  by  Eng- 
land on  the  one  hand  and  by  Turkey  on  the  other. 
He,  too,  had  it  continually  impressed  upon  him  that 
Germany  was  a  sympathising  friend,  and  that  the 


Hussein  Kemal,  Sultan  of  Egypt 


KHEDIVE  AND  LORD  KITCHENER  115 

Emperor  William's  kindliness  had  much  to  do  with 
Abdul's  generosity.  By  gentle  steps  the  Khedive 
was  led  along  the  path  of  discontent  until,  at  last, 
he  was  persuaded  that  he  was  justified  in  giving 
over  to  Wilhelmstrasse  all  the  plans  for  the  defence 
of  the  Suez  Canal,  which,  unknown  to  Lord  Kitch- 
ener, he  had  appropriated  to  himself  and  brought 
over  to  Constantinople  for  safety. 

Once  this  diplomatic  feat  was  accomplished,  it 
became  possible  for  Berlin  to  move  in  the  direction 
of  extending  her  influence  among  the  followers  of 
Islam. 

When  the  present  war  with  Russia  and  with  her 
allies  broke  out,  I  expected  as  a  matter  of  course 
that  Turkey  would  hasten  to  follow  in  the  footsteps 
of  Germany,  and  that  the  Egyptian  question  would 
be  raised  anew  under  conditions  which  would  make 
it  very  hard  for  England  to  solve.  Thanks  to  the 
care  which  Germany  has  given  to  the  problem  of 
the  Suez  Canal,  it  has  been  observed  from  all  sides 
by  innumerable  German  agents,  and  there  are  ac- 
complices both  at  Suez  and  at  Port  Said  ready  at 
any  moment  to  throw  ofif  the  cloak. 

In  compliance  with  the  wishes  of  the  German 
Emperor,  the  secret  efforts  of  German  diplomacy 
and  of  the  statesmen  at  Berlin  have  been  directed 
toward  one  supreme  aim — the  wresting  from  Eng- 
land of  the  possession  of  Egypt  as  the  one  con- 
trolling power  over  the  Suez  Canal.  In  Wilhelm- 
strasse they  were  confident  that  once  the  canal  were 
destroyed — and  I  have  good  reasons  to  fear  that 


ii6  THE  NEAR  EAST  FROM  WITHIN 

should  the  question  of  its  occupation  become  doubt- 
ful its  total  destruction  has  long  ago  been  decided 
upon — England  would  find  herself  so  entirely  hand- 
icapped in  her  trade  and  her  commerce  that  it  would 
become  relatively  easy  to  annihilate  her  altogether, 
or  at  least  to  render  her  incapable  either  of  re- 
sistance or  of  expansion  for  a  long  time  to  come. 

The  one  difficulty  which  this  plan  presented  was 
that  of  persuading  Abbas  Hilmi  to  accept  it.  The 
young  Khedive  was  quite  willing  to  do  his  best  to 
reduce  the  power  of  England,  but  he  did  not  in- 
tend in  the  least  that  his  country  should  pass  into 
the  hands  of  another  great  Power,  or  of  abdicat- 
ing one  iota  of  the  independence  he  thought  he 
could  secure.  He  could  not  be  brought  to  an  en- 
tire trust  in  the  good  faith  of  the  Emperor  Wil- 
liam. He  did  not  trust  the  Sultan  Mehmed  Rechad 
either,  because  he  knew  that  he  was  but  a  tool  in 
the  hands  of  Enver  Pasha,  and  that  Enver  Pasha 
would  have  given  much  to  be  elected  Khedive  of 
Egypt. 

Out  of  this  welter  of  intrigue  it  was  forced  upon 
me  that  the  young  Khedive,  who  had  alienated  him- 
self from  his  real  friends  and  played  with  those 
who  professed  good-will  for  the  sake  of  making  a 
tool  of  him,  was  drawing  to  the  conclusion  that 
the  day  was  approaching  when  he  would  fall  be- 
tween stools,  as  the  English  expression  has  it.  The 
fact  was  that  the  removal  of  the  young  Khedive 
was  felt  to  have  become  a  necessity,  even  by  those 
who  were  still  making  use  of  him.     The  German 


A  WELTER  OF  INTRIGUE  117 

Emperor  had  grasped  the  untrustworthy  character 
of  his  tool,  and  was  perfectly  aware  that,  after 
having  played  the  English  and  Lord  Kitchener 
false,  Abbas  Hilmi  would  never  hold  faith  with 
him  or  keep  the  engagements  into  which  he  had 
entered  simply  in  order  to  obtain  money.  The  Sul- 
tan Rechad  was  worried  by  him  and,  besides,  had 
been  warned  against  him;  Abdul  Hamid  was  tired 
of  the  perpetual  demands  for  money  with  which  he 
tvas  bothered;  and  Enver  Pasha  considered  him  as 
the  great  obstacle  between  him  and  his  conquest  of 
the  province  which  he  coveted. 

My  own  feeling  on  the  matter  of  the  Suez  Canal 
is  that  its  possession  would  not  benefit  Germany 
in  the  least,  and  that  those  in  highest  places  in  Ber- 
lin are  blinded  by  feelings  of  mere  covetousness  and 
rivalry.  On  the  contrary,  I  am  satisfied  it  would 
be  a  bad  day  for  the  German  Emperor  if  Fate  gave 
the  canal  into  his  possession.  It  would  add  nothing 
to  our  prosperity  or  to  our  welfare.  First,  it  would 
become  the  source  of  perpetual  strifes  and  annoy- 
ances, as  England  would  never  resign  herself  to  its 
loss ;  then  France  also  would  find  in  the  appropria- 
tion of  the  great  thoroughfare  of  the  world  by  Ger- 
many a  pretext  for  renewed  attacks  against  her; 
Russia  and  Japan,  who  are  interested  in  the  com- 
mercial side  of  the  question,  would  undoubtedly 
insist  on  the  neutralisation  of  the  canal.  These 
seem  to  me  to  be  some  of  the  logical  outcomes. 
The  end  of  the  matter  might  be  the  blowing  up  of 
the  canal  by  Turkey,  who  would  thus  solve  the 


ii8  THE  NEAR  EAST  FROM  WITHIN 

question  of  its  possession.  No!  Germany  has 
muddled  things  in  this  direction,  and,  in  my  opinion, 
will  have  to  pay  bitterly  for  her  overreaching 
diplomacy. 


Abbas  Hilmi,  the  Ex-Khedive 


CHAPTER  X 

EMPEROR  WILLIAM  AND  THE  TSAR 

THE  reference  in  the  previous  chapter  to 
the  designs  nourished  in  BerHn  for  secur- 
ing possession  of  the  Suez  Canal  leads  me 
to  recall  the  astonishment  which  gripped  the  few 
statesmen  and  diplomatic  officials  who  learned  of 
the  secret  suggestions  made  by  William  H.  to  Nich- 
olas n.  Naturally,  such  matters  are  not  accessible 
to  all  who  may  wish  to  know,  but  few  state  secrets 
can  be  entirely  hidden  from  the  confidential  ser- 
vants of  the  Empire.  This  was  a  personal  corre- 
spondence, but  nevertheless  its  general  purport  was 
known  to  one  or  two  of  the  Emperor  William's 
most  trusted  advisers,  who  used  their  best  en- 
deavours to  dissuade  their  headstrong  ruler.  But 
he  was  superbly  certain  that  no  man  was  adamant 
to  the  appeal  of  ambition,  that  no  monarch  would 
allow  ethical  considerations  to  stand  in  the  way  of 
territorial  expansion  and  greater  power.  When 
the  Emperor  Nicholas  paid  his  famous  visit  to  Ber- 
lin on  the  occasion  of  the  marriage  of  the  Kaiser's 
only  daughter  to  the  present  Duke  of  Brunswick, 
he  was  received  there  with  an  extraordinary  cour- 
tesy and  enthusiasm,  and  the  Berlin  Court  tried  to 
persuade  him  that  his  presence  on  such  a  momen- 

119 


I20  THE  NEAR  EAST  FROM  WITHIN 

tous  occasion  was  far  more  appreciated  than  that 
of  King  George  and  his  gracious  consort. 

When  taking  leave  of  his  illustrious  guest  at  the 
railway  station,  the  Emperor  William  shook  his 
hand  with  such  apparent  sincerity  that  the  Tsar 
could  really  be  excused  if  he  imagined  that  from 
that  day  the  relations  between  the  houses  of  Hohen- 
zollern  and  Romanoff  would  resume  their  former 
intimate  friendliness. 

When,  however,  the  last  guests  had  taken  their 
departure,  and  the  bride  herself  had  left  for  her 
new  home,  the  Kaiser  began  once  more  to  turn  his 
attention  to  foreign  politics. 

Though  he  had  shown  himself  excessively  at- 
tentive to  the  King  and  Queen  of  England,  he  had 
tried  to  avoid  any  serious  conversation  with  George 
v.,  whose  common  sense  and  straightforwardness 
had  never  appealed  to  his  cousin  of  Prussia.  At 
that  moment  the  Balkan  War,  or  rather  the  Balkan 
crisis,  had  reached  its  culminating  point.  Austria, 
who,  by  the  way,  had  carefully  abstained  from 
sending  any  official  representative  to  the  wedding 
festivities  in  Berlin,  was  pressing  her  German  ally 
to  interfere  in  favour  of  her  schemes  affecting  Ser- 
via  and  Bulgaria.  In  Roumania  the  King,  faithful 
to  the  wise  line  of  expectant  politics  he  had  always 
followed  with  such  success,  was  waiting  for  the  sig- 
nal from  Berlin  to  come  out  either  in  the  character 
of  a  belligerent  or  of  a  mediator,  whilst,  in  Bul- 
garia, Ferdinand  was  making  no  secret  of  his  in- 


TEMPTING  THE  TSAR  121 

tention  to  obtain  for  himself  all  the  advantages  of 
a  situation  he  had  done  his  best  to  muddle. 

This,  then,  was  the  situation  when  the  episode  of 
the  Imperial  correspondence  had  its  beginnings.  It 
was  not  a  propitious  time  for  William  II.  to  think 
of  war;  as  yet  he  was  unprepared.  On  the  other 
hand,  the  presence  in  Berlin  of  his  British  cousins 
had  only  aggravated  the  feelings  of  deep  dislike 
which  he  entertained  toward  them,  and  something 
in  the  quiet  dignity  of  King  George,  and  the  sense 
of  security  which  he  seemed  to  carry  about  with 
him,  had  exasperated  the  Emperor.  Nicholas  II. 
is  habitually  nervous  at  Court  functions,  and  the 
Emperor  William  deceived  himself  that  so  restless 
a  temperament  would  also  be  unstable  in  character. 
Accordingly,  William  II.  felt  there  would  be  little 
opposition  to  proposals  which  he  had  in  mind — a 
scheme  the  success  of  which  would  mean  the  hum- 
bling of  England. 

When  the  Tsar  returned  to  Tsarskoye  Selo,  he 
expressed  himself  highly  pleased  with  his  visit  to 
Berlin.  He  even  told  Count  Pourtales,  at  that  time 
German  Ambassador  at  the  Russian  Court,  that  he 
had  enjoyed  himself  far  more  than  he  had  expected, 
and  that  he  would  always  think  with  gratitude  of 
the  kindness  he  had  experienced  during  his  trip, 
not  only  from  the  Emperor  William,  but  also  from 
the  people  of  Berlin.  Count  Pourtales  transmitted 
to  the  Kaiser  the  words  of  his  Imperial  cousin,  and 
William  II.  then  decided  to  act. 

It  was  in  July  or  August  of  the  same  year — 19 13, 


122  THE  NEAR  EAST  FROM  WITHIN 

as  the  reader  will  remember — that  a  special  mes- 
senger brought  to  Peterhof,  where  the  Russian  Im- 
perial family  was  spending  its  summer  holiday,  an 
holograph  letter  from  the  German  sovereign  ad- 
dressed to  the  Tsar.  It  was  written  in  the  most 
friendly  tone,  and  pointed  out  that  if  the  peace  of 
the  world  were  to  be  maintained  it  was  absolutely 
necessary  to  put  an  end  to  the  constantly  recurring 
agitation  in  the  Balkans  and  to  curb  the  ambition 
of  all  the  small  states  of  the  peninsula,  ambition 
which,  in  the  case  of  Servia  and  Bulgaria,  was 
threatening  to  assume  most  dangerous  proportions. 
This  letter  also  charged  England  with  intrigue. 
That  country,  it  said,  was  only  waiting  for  the  op- 
portunity to  annex  Egypt,  and  was  doing  her  best 
to  entangle  the  Sultan  in  a  web  of  difficulties,  during 
which  she  would  be  able  to  wrest  from  him  the  nom- 
inal suzerainty  exercised  by  the  latter  over  that 
country.  And,  referring  as  if  incidentally  to  the 
close  friendship  which  imited  the  Commander  of 
the  Faithful  and  himself,  the  German  Emperor 
went  on  to  suggest  a  common  action  having  for  its 
object  the  checking  of  English  ambition,  and  at  the 
same  time  achieving  the  secretly  long-cherished  de- 
sires of  Russia  to  obtain  possession  of  the  Straits 
of  the  Bosphorus  and  the  Dardanelles  in  exchange 
for  her  passive  acquiescence  in  a  combined  action 
of  the  German  and  Turkish  fleets  against  Egypt. 
The  purport  of  this  memorable  letter  was: 

Russia  will  not  have  accomplished  the  task  she 
has  been  entrusted  with  by  Providence  until  she 


PAINTING  THE  PICTURE  123 

has  become  absolute  mistress  of  the  Black  Sea.  So 
long  as  England  has  a  word  to  say  in  the  question, 
she  will  oppose  that  legitimate  ambition  by  all 
means  in  her  power  or  at  her  discretion.  England, 
who  has  always  posed  as  the  friend  of  Turkey,  will 
support  her  only  so  long  as  she  maintains  an  atti- 
tude of  hostility  toward  Russia.  Otherwise,  Eng- 
land, with  amazing  alacrity,  will  leave  her  to  the 
tender  mercies  of  her  enemies.  England  is  support- 
ing King  Ferdinand  of  Bulgaria,  and  encouraging 
him  in  his  dreams  of  becoming  one  day  Eastern 
Emperor,  with  Byzantium  as  his  capital.  The  mo- 
ment this  comes  to  pass,  Russia's  day  is  over.  She 
will  remain  a  second-rate  Power,  strangled  by  its 
own  immensity,  and  deprived  of  her  vital  southern 
outlet  on  the  sea.  She  will  find  herself  at  the  mercy 
of  every  adventurer  and  exposed  to  the  greatest 
dangers  from  her  neighbours.  Now,  should  Russia 
see  her  own  interests  and  consent  to  enter  into  an 
alliance  with  the  Sultan,  co-operating  with  him  and 
with  Germany  in  an  action  tending  to  neutralise  the 
Suez  Canal,  and  to  hand  it  over  to  a  European  Com- 
mission, who  would  be  entrusted  with  the  task  of 
preventing  it  from  ever  becoming  a  military  base 
for  any  other  than  the  Turkish  army,  she  might 
obtain  in  exchange  the  neutralisation  of  the  Straits 
for  all  Powers  with  the  exception  of  herself. 

When  these  desirable  consummations  were  at- 
tained, continued  the  astonishing  document,  Con- 
stantinople would  remain  the  residence  of  the  Sul- 
tan, but  be  placed  also  under  European  control, 


124  THE  NEAR  EAST  FROM  WITHIN 

whilst  the  capital  of  Turkey  would  be  transferred 
to  Brusa,  on  the  Asiatic  side  of  the  Dardanelles. 
Thus  Russia  would  become  the  sole  mistress  of  the 
Black  Sea,  and  find  herself  able  to  control  entirely 
the  policy  of  the  Balkan  States.  She  might  in  time 
annex  Bulgaria,  and  she  would  hold  Servia  in 
check.  At  the  same  time,  England  being  put  out 
of  the  running,  the  estabHshment  of  a  permanent 
peace  in  the  Balkan  Peninsula,  which  was  next  to 
impossible  as  things  stood,  would  be  in  a  fair  way 
to  become  accomplished. 

Before  the  Emperor  William  II.  had  ventured  to 
propose  that  amazing  scheme  to  the  Tsar,  he  had 
carefully  arranged  with  the  Sultan  that  the  Suez 
Canal,  while  placed  under  a  so-called  European 
Commission,  would  in  reality  be  put  under  German 
management.  So  definite,  indeed,  was  the  agree- 
ment that  plans  for  the  re-fortification  of  the  canal 
were  already  prepared  by  German  officers,  and  had 
been  submitted  to  the  Sultan  for  his  confirmation. 
In  this  carefully  planned  conspiracy  everything  had 
been  foreseen ;  only  one  thing  was  needed — and  that 
depended  upon  the  honesty  and  the  loyalty  of  Nich- 
olas II. 

The  Russian  sovereign  did  not  reply  at  once  to 
this  remarkable  message.  When  he  did  so,  after 
some  days  had  passed,  his  answer  was  a  proof  of 
the  entire  straightforwardness  of  his  character. 
He  thanked  his  Imperial  cousin  for  his  communi- 
cation, and  then  proceeded  to  explain  that  he  was 
bound  by  an  agreement  which  had  for  its  aim  the 


WHAT  NICHOLAS  11.  SAID  125 

furtherance  of  good  relationship  between  the  two 
countries  over  which  he  and  King  George  were  rul- 
ing. Nicholas  II.  continued  that  he  felt  convinced 
the  British  Government  would  never  break  the  en- 
gagements it  had  entered  upon,  and  that  certainly 
he  could  not  on  his  side  fail  to  keep  faith.  He 
added  that,  though  Russia  might  wish  for  the  .pos- 
session of  the  Straits,  yet  she  would  never  desire 
to  get  them  under  her  control  at  the  price  of  any 
action  that  might  be  construed  as  treasonable.  Be- 
sides, Russia  wanted  peace,  and  if  she  lent  herself 
to  such  a  scheme  as  that  outlined,  it  was  going  to 
open  the  door  to  all  kinds  of  complications,  and  as- 
suredly lead  to  war.  As  to  the  value  of  the  sug- 
gestions in  regard  to  the  benefit  it  was  thought 
would  accrue,  he  personally  failed  to  see  in  what 
aspect  the  general  political  situation  of  Europe 
would  change  by  England  being  driven  out  of 
Egypt.  Turkey  was  not  strong  enough  to  govern 
that  country  alone,  and  it  could  hardly  be  handed 
over  to  any  other  Power  without  leading  to  all  sorts 
of  quarrels  and  strife.  The  danger  of  war,  there- 
fore, instead  of  being  diminished,  would  be  in- 
creased. 

It  would  be  very  much  better,  in  his  opinion,  to 
insist  collectively  on  Turkey,  as  well  as  on  Servia 
and  Bulgaria,  laying  down  arms  and  submitting 
their  differences  to  the  arbitration  of  a  conference. 
He  expressed  the  certain  hope  that  the  various  am- 
bassadors in  London  would  be  equal,  even,  to  that 
difficult  task,  and  would  carry  it  through  to  a  happy 


126  THE  NEAR  EAST  FROM  WITHIN 


end.  The  Tsar  concluded  his  reply  with  the  remark 
that  the  programme  outlined  by  William  II.  was 
undignified  for  any  Christian  Power  to  embark 
upon,  and  that  he  would  consider  himself  dishon- 
oured by  lending  his  hand  to  such  an  enterprise. 

When  William  II.  received  this  reply  his  feelings 
can  be  imagined.  I  am  aware  that  it  caused  an  im- 
mediate change  of  course,  for  after  a  few  months 
I  w^as  the  bearer  of  a  letter  to  the  late  Archduke 
Franz  Ferdinand.  This  communication  was  quite 
simple  on  the  surface,  merely  suggesting  a  friendly 
visit  to  Ferdinand  in  the  near  future.  From  the 
Archduke  and  the  Duchess  of  Hohenberg  I  brought 
back  a  cordial  invitation,  and  in  due  time — which, 
however,  was  not  until  May,  1914 — the  German 
Emperor  paid  a  visit  to  the  heir  to  the  throne  of 
Austria-Hungary  at  the  Castle  of  Konopischt  in 
Bohemia. 


CHAPTER  XI 

KING  CAROL  OF  ROUMANIA 

WILLIAM  11.  always  felt  great  respect 
for  King  Carol  of  Roumania,  who  had 
been  a  close  friend  of  the  Emperor 
Frederick,  the  father  of  the  German  Emperor. 
King  Carol  had  the  reputation  of  being  one  of  the 
wisest  monarchs  in  Europe.  During  the  many 
years  in  which  he  occupied  the  Roumanian  throne 
he  proved  a  model  sovereign  and  contrived  to  steer 
safely  among  very  troubled  waters,  and  not  only 
to  remain  in  possession  of  his  throne,  but  also  to 
consolidate  his  dynasty.  Alone  among  the  Balkan 
sovereigns,  he  kept  aloof  from  the  various  intrigues 
which  had  troubled  the  peninsula.  Since  the  war 
of  1877  against  Turkey  he  had  not  drawn  his  sword, 
and  succeeded  to  a  certain  degree  in  imposing  peace 
upon  his  neighbours  when  they  had  proved  trouble- 
some and  tried  to  persuade  him  to  mix  himself  up 
in  their  quarrels.  In  191 3  it  was  mainly  through 
his  exertions  and  owing  to  his  firm  attitude  in  re- 
gard to  Bulgaria  that  King  Ferdinand  consented  to 
listen  to  reason,  and  to  accept  the  rather  hard  con- 
ditions of  the  Treaty  of  Bucharest.  When  Russia 
was  on  the  point  of  interfering  in  that  question,  it 
was  also  the  King  of  Roumania  who  warned  her 
of  the  serious  consequences  of  such  a  step.     Had 

127 


128  THE  NEAR  EAST  FROM  WITHIN 

he  only  been  listened  to,  it  is  probable  that  the  war 
which  broke  out  in  July,  19 14,  might  have  been 
avoided,  or  at  least  postponed  for  some  time. 
Among  modern  rulers  and  statesmen  the  figure  of 
Carol  I.  stands  out  as  one  of  the  most  remarkable. 
He  was  a  man  of  principles,  straightforward,  hon- 
est, true,  sincere  in  all  he  said  and  did.  When  he 
accepted  the  throne  of  Roumania  he  was  still  a 
young  man,  and  at  that  time  no  one  believed  his 
tenure  would  be  long.  Before  he  had  decided  to 
risk  the  adventure  he  consulted  Prince  von  Bis- 
marck, asking  him  what  he  ought  to  do.  Bismarck 
replied  that  he  might  try  it,  as  it  would  always  con- 
stitute for  him  *'a  pleasant  remembrance."  The 
remark  was  not  encouraging,  and  many  men  more 
experienced  than  this  younger  scion  of  the  House 
of  Hohenzollern  might  have  hesitated  before  the 
risk  of  such  an  enterprise.  Not  so  King  Carol. 
He  arrived  at  Bucharest  simply  as  Prince  Carol  of 
Roumania,  a  vassal  and  dependant  of  the  Sultan, 
whose  suzerainty  over  the  turbulent  little  principal- 
ity was  not  then  disputed. 

This  event  took  place  in  1866,  just  before  the  vic- 
torious campaign  which  Prussia  had  conducted  with 
such  skill  against  the  forces  of  Austria.  Sadowa 
was  fought  between  the  day  of  the  election  of 
Prince  Charles  of  Hohenzollern  and  that  of  the 
acknowledgment  of  his  position  as  ruler  of  Rou- 
mania by  the  great  European  Powers.  He  arrived 
in  his  new  country  with  more  determination  than 
ambition.    Not  easily  would  he  be  driven  out.    He 


KING  CAROL  AND  FINANCE        129 

possessed  tact  to  an  even  greater  extent  than  cour- 
age; he  was  shrewd  more  than  agile  of  intellect, 
and  manifested  abundant  strength  of  will.  He  was 
always  particularly  interested  in  the  progress  of 
science,  art,  and  literature,  and  made  a  study  of 
social  questions.  Undoubtedly  he  did  much  to  im- 
prove and  to  develop  the  resources  of  his  country 
of  adoption. 

When  he  arrived  in  Roumania  he  at  once  ap- 
preciated its  vast  possibilities.  He  became  the  first 
business  man  of  his  new  Fatherland,  and  scarcely 
any  commercial  enterprise  was  started  in  Roumania 
without  his  having  a  finger  in  the  financial  pie.  He 
speculated,  he  built  railways,  factories;  he  became 
a  shareholder  in  industrial  concerns  in  his  adopted 
country  and  elsewhere ;  he  encouraged  foreign  cap- 
ital to  establish  itself  in  Bucharest,  and  he  devel- 
oped the  riches  and  the  economical  life  of  Rou- 
mania to  an  extent  which  astonished  some  of  the 
strongest  and  cutest  financial  heads  in  Europe. 
When  he  died  he  left  something  like  fifty  millions, 
according  to  official  records,  and  in  reality  a  great 
deal  more. 

The  financial  genius  of  King  Carol  was  provided 
with  an  outlet  for  the  riches  he  accumulated  in  his 
epicurean  love  of  the  beautiful.  He  spent  fortunes 
to  gratify  his  taste  for  the  exquisite,  and  grew  to 
look  with  more  than  affection  on  his  growing 
wealth.  This  fact  explains,  perhaps,  why  the  policy 
of  Roumania  remained  so  constantly  a  pacific  one. 
The  King,  who  thought  more  of  the  fate  of  his  own 


I30  THE  NEAR  EAST  FROM  WITHIN 

personal  fortune,  dreaded  nothing  more  than  to  see 
it  compromised.  He  was  well  aware  that  even  a 
successful  war,  if  it  did  not  stop  altogether,  would 
at  least  considerably  delay  the  commercial  expan- 
sion of  the  kingdom  over  which  he  ruled  with  such 
tact  and  ability.  He  did  not  care  for  military  lau- 
rels, being  wdse  enough  to  recognise  their  utter 
emptiness.  If  he  had  been  offered  the  possession 
of  Constantinople  with  the  title  of  Emperor,  it  is 
probable  that  he  would  have  declined  the  honour, 
but  at  the  same  time  he  would  have  taken  active 
steps  to  prevent  anyone  else  than  the  Sultan  being 
sc  denominated.  When  his  neighbour  at  Sofia  de- 
veloped the  sudden  desire  to  wrest  St.  Sophia  from 
the  Sultan,  Carol  at  once  not  only  refused  Ferdi- 
nand his  co-operation  and  support  in  that  enter- 
prise, bjt  declared  that  he  would  oppose  it  by  all 
means  in  his  power.  He  foresaw  that  the  equilib- 
rium of  tlie  Balkan  Peninsula  would  be  disturbed 
by  the  expcusion  of  any  of  the  small  nationalities, 
and  wisely  and  astutely  meant  to  keep  the  balance 
of  power  in  his  own  hands  so  long  as  he  lived. 

He  was  honest  in  his  way,  if  honesty  consists  in 
keeping  one's  word  and  of  never  by  any  means 
doing  a  wrong  which  was  liable  to  be  found  out. 
But  he  was  also  a  cynical,  weary,  disillusioned  man, 
who  hastened  to  laugh  at  everything,  not  the  least 
cause  of  amusement  being  the  way  in  which  the 
world  took  him  at  his  own  valuation  and  gave  him 
its  confidence. 

With  a  character  of  that  kind,  it  was  pretty  cer- 


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Carol  I  of  Roumania 


CAROL  I.  AS  COUNSELLOR         131 

tain  that  an  adventure,  be  it  a  political  or  a  war- 
like one,  was  not  to  be  feared;  and,  whilst  King 
Carol  of  Roumania  lived,  most  of  the  statesmen 
who  had  the  responsibilities  of  the  affairs  of  Eu- 
rope in  general  could  rely  on  his  helping  them  to 
unravel  the  knot  of  many  difficulties.  Even  Wil- 
liam n.  more  than  once  had  recourse  to  him  in  one 
or  other  of  the  scrapes  which  he  periodically  got 
into  during  the  early  days  of  his  reign.  Carol  L 
listened  to  him  with  an  unvarying  attention,  and 
generally  succeeded  in  giving  him  thoroughly 
sound  advice,  which  enabled  William  IL  to  minimise 
and  counteract  evil  effects  that  might  easily  have 
resulted  from  his  imprudences.  The  King  was  es- 
sentially of  a  sympathising  nature,  though  he  could 
hardly  have  been  termed  a  sympathetic  man.  There 
was  far  too  much  coldness  in  his  manners,  and  he 
was  excessively  caustic.  His  very  politeness  ap- 
peared sometimes  to  be  more  studied  than  real, 
though  at  the  same  time  it  was  thoroughly  genu- 
ine, proceeding  from  the  habits  and  customs  in 
which  he  had  been  reared.  He  had  learned  the 
great  art  not  to  seem  bored  at  anything  that  others 
might  have  to  tell  him,  and  this  had  won  him  much 
popularity  with  the  other  crowned  heads  of  Eu- 
rope, as  well  as  among  his  own  subjects. 

When  at  his  castle  of  Sinaia  he  allowed  any  peas- 
ant or  labourer  to  approach  him  and  to  talk  to  him 
about  their  crops  or  vines.  He  was  equally  at  ease 
in  the  part  of  a  gentleman  farmer  as  in  that  of  a 
gravely  attentive  monarch  granting  an  audience  to 


132  THE  NEAR  EAST  FROM  WITHIN 

this  or  that  minister  eager  to  explain  to  him  diffi- 
cult political  questions  interesting  to  him  as  well  as 
to  others.  He  was  essentially  an  adaptive  man,  con- 
tent everywhere  and  in  every  position  in  which  he 
found  himself,  fully  alive  to  the  value  of  the  good 
things  of  this  earth.  He  did  not  fear  death,  being 
satisfied  that  he  was  entitled  to  a  seat  of  honour 
in  the  next  world.  This  quaint  persuasion  contrib- 
uted a  great  deal  to  the  serenity  with  which  he  con- 
templated the  final  dissolution. 

From  the  very  first  day  of  his  arrival  at  Bucha- 
rest, King  Carol  meant  to  obtain  the  royal  crown 
of  Roumania.  It  is  likely  that  he  would  not  have 
joined  Russia  in  1877,  when  she  attacked  Turkey 
for  the  apparent  reason  of  delivering  Bulgaria 
from  its  yoke,  had  he  not  foreseen  that  the  trans- 
formation of  Roumania  into  a  kingdom  would  be 
the  inevitable  reward  that  his  conduct  would  en- 
title him  to  claim.  He  had,  indeed,  prepared  him- 
self for  that  contingency,  and  given  careful  atten- 
tion to  the  training  of  his  troops,  whose  help  had 
proved  invaluable  to  the  Tsar.  Like  a  true  Hohen- 
zollern,  he  had  directed  his  efforts  toward  the  es- 
tablishment of  Roumania  as  the  dominant  military 
power  of  the  Balkan  peninsula,  and  he  succeeded. 

The  prize,  however,  did  not  come  quite  so  quickly 
as  he  had  expected  owing  to  various  circumstances, 
among  which  may  be  counted  the  stubborn  opposi- 
tion of  Prince  von  Bismarck.  He  was  not  pro- 
claimed king  until  four  years  after  the  war  of  1877, 
and  then  only  after  he  had  spent  considerable  sums 


A  CAUSTIC  LETTER  133 

out  of  his  private  purse  for  the  purpose  of  obtain- 
ing the  favourable  votes.  It  had  not  been  so  easy 
as  Carol  I.  had  expected  to  convert  Roumania  into 
a  monarchy.  Bismarck  hated  the  idea;  he  did  not 
like  Carol,  perhaps  because  he  knew  that  King 
Carol  was  one  of  the  few  men  in  the  world  who 
did  not  fear  him.  This  displeased  Bismarck  thor- 
oughly. He  could  never  bring  himself  to  be  cor- 
dial to  the  new  monarch  of  Roumania.  Thus  he 
committed  one  of  his  gravest  errors,  because  Carol 
L,  appreciating  the  worth  of  the  foe  with  whom  he 
had  to  deal,  hastened,  after  William  II.  ascended 
the  throne,  to  sympathise  with  the  young  Emperor's 
revolts  against  the  authority  of  the  great  minister 
who  for  so  long  had  been  solely  responsible  for  the 
policy  of  Prussia.  King  Carol,  indeed,  encouraged 
William  in  his  desire  to  get  rid  of  Bismarck.  It 
is  not  generally  known  that,  before  dismissing 
Prince  Bismarck,  the  young  Emperor  wrote  to  the 
King  of  Roumania  asking  him  what  he  ought  to  do, 
complaining  at  the  same  time  of  the  overbearing 
temper  of  his  Chancellor.  Carol  I.,  as  I  happened 
to  learn,  replied  most  diplomatically  in  the  follow- 
ing terms  to  his  Imperial  nephew:  'T  cannot  ad- 
vise you  in  the  matter  to  which  you  refer ;  it  is  for 
you  only  to  decide;  other  people  cannot  interfere, 
but  if  I  were  in  your  place  I  should  like  always  to 
be  the  master  in  my  own  house."  This  letter  sealed 
the  fate  of  the  great  man  who,  by  his  skill  and  in- 
telligence, had  founded  the  German  Empire. 

This  circumstance  created  between  the  two  rulers 


134   THE  NEAR  EAST  FROM  WITHIN 

a  very  powerful  secret  bond,  one  which  William, 
later  on,  would  have  given  much  to  have  Carol  for- 
get. He  had  confided  in  Carol  at  this  important 
crisis  of  his  life  as  a  sovereign,  on  one  of  those  im- 
pulses to  which  he  was  so  often  subject  and  which 
he  invariably  regretted.  King  Carol,  however,  was 
far  too  clever  and  far  too  cautious  to  show  that  he 
remembered  the  curcumstance,  but  at  the  same 
time  he  contrived  that  William  II.  should  never 
forget  it.  Whenever  any  European  complication 
occurred,  he  interfered  in  it  by  entering  at  once 
into  an  amicable  correspondence  with  the  Emperor, 
and  by  making  him  feel  that,  since  he  had  once 
asked  his  advice  in  one  of  the  most  important  mo- 
ments in  his  existence,  he  was  welcome  to  do  it 
always. 

This  attitude  was  a  beneficial  factor  in  the  peace 
of  Europe,  because  the  influence  of  the  King,  which 
William  II.  could  not  very  well  ignore,  was  always 
an  excellent  one,  and  his  tact  contributed  greatly 
toward  clearing  certain  international  difficulties 
which  now  and  then  arose  to  trouble  the  political 
horizon  of  Europe.  The  Roumanian  sovereign,  it 
must  not  be  forgotten,  was  also  a  Hohenzollern, 
and  had  cherished  the  clannish  feeling  of  that  house 
in  regard  to  its  chief  and  to  its  own  race;  his  father- 
land was  Germany,  and  Roumania  remained  but 
an  incident  in  his  life.  Latterly,  however,  the  un- 
necessarily aggressive  attitude  of  Germany  did  not 
meet  with  his  approval,  and  he  began  to  transfer 
his  affections  to  Russia.    He  had  done  his  best  to 


CAROL  I.  AND  RUSSIA  135 

get  his  relative  out  of  the  muhifarious  scrapes  in 
which  he  had  found  himself  so  often  involved. 
Perhaps  he  had  worked  too  energetically  toward 
that  result,  for  his  efforts  had  produced  a  certain 
impatience  in  the  mind  of  William  II.  An  unfor- 
tunate effect  of  his  reliance  on  King  Carol  was  that 
it  had  rather  impressed  William  II.  with  the  con- 
viction that  he  had  always  at  hand  one  who  could 
effectively  repair  his  mistakes.  As  a  consequence 
the  ruler  of  Roumania  watched  with  considerable 
anxiety  the  career  of  his  enterprising  relative,  and 
latterly  had  not  displayed  the  same  readiness  to  put 
things  right.  King  Carol  had  become  alarmed  at 
the  anti-English  feelings  developing  in  the  breast 
of  William  II.  The  political  and  diplomatic  expe- 
rience of  Carol  I.  was  too  extensive  not  to  make 
him  realise  that  a  coalition  of  Russia,  France,  and 
England  against  Germany  might  have  disastrous 
results  for  the  Empire  of  the  Hohenzollerns,  and 
he  did  not  care  for  the  possibility  of  the  Hohenzol- 
lern  dynasty  being  overthrown. 

These  considerations  had  made  him  look  with 
uneasiness  and  apprehension  on  the  aggressive  pol- 
icy that  Germany  had  entered  upon,  and  had,  prac- 
tically, also  imposed  upon  her  ally,  Austria-Hun- 
gary. King  Carol  had  never  approved  of  the  an- 
nexation of  Bosnia  and  Herzegovina  to  the  realm 
of  the  Habsburgs,  and  had  warmly  admired  the 
wise  conduct  of  Russia  in  regard  to  that  question. 
The  attitude  of  the  Petersburg  cabinet  had  pleased 
him  so  much  that,  as  hinted,  he  had  begun  to  con- 


136  THE  NEAR  EAST  FROM  WITHIN 

sider  seriously  the  possibility  of  a  rapprochement 
with  Russia.  He  found  a  ready  collaborator  in  the 
Russian  minister  at  his  Court,  a  young  diplomat 
of  unusual  ability,  M.  Schebeko,  who  had  at  once 
grasped  the  immense  consequences  of  inducing  the 
Bucharest  cabinet  to  look  with  favouring  eyes  upon 
the  policy  and  the  plans  of  the  triple  understanding 
between  Russia,  France,  and  Britain.  In  his  en- 
thusiasm for  the  idea,  however,  M,  Schebeko  some- 
times carried  his  zeal  too  far,  and  this  led  to  cer- 
tain frictions  that  might  have  been  avoided  had 
Russia  proceeded  with  the  same  caution  employed 
by  King  Carol. 

When  the  Tsar  conferred  the  rank  of  a  field- 
marshal  in  the  Russian  army  upon  the  Roumanian 
sovereign,  it  was  felt  that  a  great  step  forward  had 
been  made.  Russian  policy  in  the  Balkans,  and  in- 
deed everywhere  else,  had  thereby  gained  an  im- 
portant auxiliary  in  the  person  of  the  wise  and  gen- 
erally respected  monarch.  When,  thanks  to  cer- 
tain feminine  interventions,  matters  had  so  far  pro- 
gressed that  the  possibility  of  an  alliance  between 
the  Romanoffs  and  the  Roumanian  dynasty  began 
to  be  mentioned,  the  different  European  cabinets 
thought  it  was  time  to  watch  with  more  than  usual 
curiosity  everything  that  was  going  on  at  Bucha- 
rest, especially  as  King  Carol,  though  known  to 
be  in  more  than  indifferent  health,  was  neverthe- 
less not  suspected  to  be  in  so  grave  a  condition  as 
subsequently  proved  to  be  the  case. 

At  that  particular  moment  the  King  of  Rou- 


Ferdinand  I  of  Roumania 


BERCHTOLD  BECOMES  ALARMED  137 

mania  was  enjoying  the  confidence  and  respect  of 
continental  sovereigns  as  well  as  of  their  respon- 
sible advisers,  of  the  Sultan  and  all  the  different 
political  parties  in  Turkey,  and  also  throughout  the 
Balkans.  After  the  tragic  death  of  King  George 
of  Greece  it  was  to  his  experience  that  finally  all 
questions  pending  between  the  Balkanic  States 
were  referred,  and  the  idea  that  he  might  be  in- 
clined to  accept  the  opinions  of  Russia,  and  to  ap- 
prove of  them,  could  not  fail  to  arouse  intense 
emotion  as  well  as  a  certain  degree  of  anxiety 
everywhere. 

More  particularly  was  this  apprehension  felt  at 
Vienna.  Count  Berchtold  grew  so  alarmed  at  this 
development  that  he  ventured  to  ask  King  Carol 
whether  his  friendliness  toward  Austria  had  un- 
dergone a  change.  The  King  replied  with  his  usual 
caution  that  he  would  always  concentrate  his  ef- 
forts in  maintaining  peace.  The  answer  satisfied 
no  one,  and  least  of  all  the  Emperor  William,  to 
whom  it  was  immediately  communicated. 

This  situation  saw  the  beginning  of  German  in- 
trigue against  Roumania,  and  William  II.  found 
an  unexpected  ally  in  a  lady  who  stood  in  close 
relationship  to  the  Russian  Empress,  and  who, 
having  the  opportunity  to  see  the  Imperial  family 
almost  daily,  was  induced  to  work  upon  the  mind 
of  the  oldest  daughter  of  the  Tsar  and  to  persuade 
her  that  she  would  do  better  to  remain  in  her  own 
country  than  to  marry  the  heir-presumptive  to  the 
Roumanian  throne.     Another  area  of  German  ac- 


138  THE  NEAR  EAST  FROM  WITHIN 

tivity  was  found  in  fostering  the  ambitions  of  King 
Ferdinand  of  Bulgaria. 

The  marriage  of  the  Duchess  of  Brunswick  took 
place  while  these  matters  were  developing,  and  cre- 
ated in  the  mind  of  William  II.  the  thought  of  ap- 
pealing to  the  Emperor  of  Russia  and  to  allow 
himself  to  be  induced  to  look  with  indifferent  eyes 
upon  the  wresting  of  Egypt  and  the  Suez  Canal 
from  Great  Britain.  The  details  are  already 
known  to  us. 

King  Carol — who  was  consulted — was  very 
quickly  alive  to  the  utter  insanity  of  the  plan,  and 
he  forthwith  replied  to  his  Imperial  relative  not  to 
think  any  more  about  such  impossible  things.  In 
the  spring  of  19 14  King  Carol  sent  his  nephew  and 
heir  to  Petersburg,  together  with  his  consort  and 
their  eldest  son.  The  visit  did  not  lead  to  the  result 
which  had  been  hoped  for,  as  the  young  Grand 
Duchess  Olga  would  not  consent  to  wed  into  the 
Roumanian  royal  family.  The  Emperor  William 
congratulated  himself  that  he  had  obtained  a  de- 
cided success  in  that  quarter,  and  the  fact  that  he 
thought  so  reached  the  ears  of  King  Carol,  who 
expressed  his  displeasure  in  a  most  decided  manner. 

It  was  at  this  juncture  that  I  was  ordered  to  re- 
pair to  Bucharest  with  a  letter  from  my  sovereign 
addressed  to  the  King  of  Roumania,  which  gave 
rise  to  a  curious  conversation  which  I  shall  refer 
to  in  a  later  chapter. 

My  visit  did  not  lead  to  much,  and  certainly  it 
did  not  change  anything  in  the  international  com- 


M.  SAZONOV  VISITS  KING  CAROL    139 

plications  which  suddenly  seemed  to  spring  from 
every  side.  All  the  efforts  of  the  King  of  Rou- 
mania,  all  his  appeals  and  advices  tendered  at 
Vienna,  as  well  as  in  Petersburg,  came  to  nothing, 
and  did  not  even  delay  the  crisis.  When  the  Em- 
peror and  Empress  of  Russia  had  paid  their  famous 
visit  to  Constanza,  in  the  beginning  of  June  of  last 
year,  it  was  believed  that  it  would  lead  to  an  ulti- 
mate Russo-Roumanian  alliance,  directed,  if  not 
against  Austria,  at  least  against  the  ever-growing 
ambition  of  King  Ferdinand  of  Bulgaria.  This 
supposition  also  came  to  nothing.  Carol  I.  did  not 
desire  to  bind  himself  at  a  juncture  when  he  in- 
stinctively felt  his  neutrality  would  be  more  useful 
to  the  cause  of  peace.  He  received  his  Russian 
guests  with  the  utmost  politeness,  but  he  made  M. 
Sazonov  understand  that  he  could  not  enter  into 
any  serious  conversations. 

M.  Sazonov  was  not  strong  enough  to  insist  on 
an  immediate  solution  of  a  question  which  was  of 
such  vital  importance  to  the  future  policy  of  Rus- 
sia in  the  Balkans,  and  the  interview  of  Constanza 
ended  in  disappointment. 

Before  two  months  elapsed  Germany  and  Russia 
were  at  war.  The  conflagration  that  wise  King 
Carol  had  worked  all  his  life  to  prevent  broke  forth, 
and  at  its  very  beginning  the  Roumanian  monarch, 
whose  restraining  influence  would  have  been  so  in- 
valuable when  peace  terms  came  to  be  discussed, 
suddenly  passed  away,  and  one  of  the  most  im- 
portant factors  in  European  politics  vanished. 


CHAPTER  XII 

IMPRESSIONS   OP^  BUCHAREST 

IN  the  course  of  my  duties  I  had  made  one  short 
stay  at  Bucharest  in  the  year  1882,  and  when 
I  returned  there  in  the  early  months  of  1914 
I  found  the  city  decidedly  improved.  It  had  lost 
its  Oriental  tinge,  and  had  become  quite  European. 
Large  boulevards,  splendid  shops,  and  more  music 
halls  than  ever  had  come  into  being.  Altogether, 
Bucharest  had  a  particularly  prosperous  air.  I 
wrote  at  once  to  King  Carol's  aide-de-camp  to  ask 
for  the  honour  of  an  interview  with  His  Majesty, 
adding  that  I  had  arrived  that  same  morning  from 
Berlin.  I  learned  in  reply  that  the  King  was  at 
his  castle  of  Sinaia,  in  the  Carpathian  Mountains, 
but  that  he  should  be  advised  at  once  of  my  coming. 
I  was  also  told  that  the  Crown  Prince  and  Princess 
Ferdinand  were  in  town,  and  would  be  glad  to  see 
me.  This  was,  of  course,  a  command  which  I  has- 
tened to  obey. 

I  found  the  heir-presumptive  an  extremely  hand- 
some, amiable  man,  with  pleasant  manners,  a  good 
carriage,  and  an  interesting  conversation.  He 
seemed  to  be  in  possession  of  strong  personal  ideas 
in  everything,  but  one  who  would  refrain  from  air- 
ing them  unless  compelled  to  do  so.     We  talked 

140 


PRINCE  FERDINAND  OF  ROUMANIA    141 

about  Berlin,  where  he  had  spent  some  of  his  early- 
years;  of  London,  which  he  declared  he  liked  ex- 
ceedingly, and  of  England.  He  strongly  admired 
the  English  system  of  government,  while  at  the 
same  time  owning  quite  frankly  that  it  would  not 
be  applicable  anywhere  else.  I  tried  to  make  Prince 
Ferdinand  tell  me  his  impressions  about  his  recent 
journey  to  Russia,  but  he  adroitly  changed  the  con- 
versation. In  general  he  appeared  to  have  won- 
derful self-control  and  enough  presence  of  mind  to 
be  able  safely  to  extricate  himself  from  difficult  or 
embarrassing  situations. 

He  did  not  seem  to  be  at  all  tired  of  his  position 
as  heir  to  the  throne,  and,  if  anything,  rather  shy 
at  the  thought  of  his  future  responsibilities — a  state 
not  often  to  be  noticed  in  future  sovereigns.  On 
the  contrary,  he  appeared  to  me  to  be  very  much  at- 
tached to  his  uncle,  whose  health  gave  him  genuine 
anxiety. 

We  spoke  about  the  recent  Balkan  War,  and  he 
told  me  that  the  Roumanian  army  had  been  quite 
ready  to  start  on  a  campaign,  but  by  the  King's  wis- 
dom such  a  misfortune  had  been  spared  to  the  coun- 
try. He  produced  upon  me  the  impression  that  he 
was  a  very  sympathetic  man,  fully  alive  to  the 
duties  which  awaited  him,  and  keenly  anxious  to  do 
the  right  thing.  My  feeling  was  that  he  was  too 
serious  for  such  a  relatively  young  man,  and  I 
could  not  refrain  from  making  a  remark  to  that  ef- 
fect. He  laughingly  replied  that  when  one  was  old 
enough  to  be  a  grandfather  and  had  grown-up 


142  THE  NEAR  EAST  FROM  WITHIN 

sons  and  daughters,  it  was  about  time  to  be  serious. 

The  Crown  Princess,  without  possessing  a  regu- 
lar type  of  beauty,  was  pretty  and  fascinating. 
Most  elegant  in  her  carriage  and  bearing,  she  had 
a  queenly  look  which  gave  her  a  regal  dignity  bereft 
of  either  hauteur  or  pride.  One  could  see  at  once 
that  she  was  conscious  of  her  high  position,  but  that 
she  did  not  feel  vain  of  it.  Her  conversation  was 
brilliant,  and  touched  upon  almost  every  subject  of 
current  interest.  There  was  much  piquancy  in  her 
talk,  and  one  noticed  that  she  appreciated  admira- 
tion. She  certainly  did  not  talk  of  her  children  with 
the  same  strong  affection  which  her  husband  had 
manifested  when  referring  to  them,  but  one  could 
see  at  a  glance  that  she  was  a  tender  as  well  as  a 
devoted  wife.  There  was  an  English  look  about 
her  which  was  very  pleasant,  but  which  explained 
the  latent  hostility  with  which  the  German  Emperor 
usually  referred  to  her,  especially  in  recent  times. 
Altogether,  she  was  a  most  attractive  being,  with 
enough  feminine  charm  to  produce  an  impression 
which  could  not  fail  to  attract. 

I  had  also  the  opportunity  to  talk  with  the  Prime 
Minister,  who  at  the  same  time  held  the  portfolio 
of  Foreign  Affairs.  M.  T.  Majoresco  had  presided 
over  the  conference  which  formulated  the  Treaty 
of  Bucharest,  that  had  put  an  end,  for  some  time 
at  least,  to  the  Balkan  trouble.  He  is,  perhaps,  the 
most  capable  minister  in  Roumania,  a  pleasant  com- 
panion, and  a  man  singularly  endowed  with  tact, 
and  possessed  of  a  keen  political   instinct.     The 


A  TALK  WITH  M.  MAJORESCO      143 

King  appreciated  him  as  he  deserved,  but,  it  seemed 
to  me,  never  quite  trusted  him.  This,  however, 
must  not  be  taken  as  a  disparagement,  because,  so 
far  as  I  could  make  out,  King  Carol  trusted  no  one. 
Few  knew  his  personal  likes  and  dislikes,  or  his 
private  opinions  and  intentions.  M.  Majoresco  dis- 
cussed the  political  situation  with  me,  and  I  was 
very  much  struck  with  the  fact  that  he  viewed  the 
future  with  considerable  apprehension,  particularly 
w^ith  regard  to  Germany.  It  was  evident  he  did  not 
care  to  say  all  that  he  thought  about  the  subject, 
especially  with  one  who,  like  myself,  w^as  supposed 
to  enjoy  the  confidence  of  those  in  highest  places 
in  Berlin,  but  one  could  see  that  he  knew  more  than 
he  cared  to  admit.  He  was  ardently  patriotic,  but 
he  was  just  as  evidently  an  ambitious  statesman 
who  was  calculating  in  his  mind  the  personal  hon- 
our he  might  win  from  a  clever  manipulation  of 
the  affairs  of  his  country  at  that  particular  mo- 
ment of  its  existence.  He  struck  me  as  a  man  of 
strong  personality,  who  was  by  no  means  Bismarck- 
ian  in  his  politics.  He  would  not  have  walked  over 
the  dead  bodies   of  his  own  convictions. 

I  spent  but  two  days  in  Bucharest  trying  to  as- 
certain something  tangible  as  to  the  feelings  of  the 
Roumanians  and  their  possible  attitude  in  case  of  a 
European  eruption.  My  impression  was  that  the 
latter  would  entirely  depend  on  the  King,  who  alone 
represented  public  opinion  in  Roumania. 

I  would  have  liked  to  remain  a  little  longer  in 
the  Roumanian  capital,  and  felt  rather  sorry  when 


144  THE  NEAR  EAST  FROM  WITHIN 

a  message  arrived  from  the  King  requesting  my  im- 
mediate attendance  at  the  castle  of  Sinaia,  in  the 
Carpathian  Mountains.  In  this  lovely  residence 
which  he  had  built  for  himself,  and  embellished 
with  fastidious  taste,  King  Carol  generally  spent 
the  summer  season.  When  I  arrived  there  I  was 
received  by  the  Queen,  the  celebrated  Carmen 
Sylva,  who  welcomed  me  with  that  charm  she  alone 
possesses  and  which  makes  her  such  a  remarkably 
attractive  personality.  She  explained  that  the  King 
was  not  in  the  castle  at  the  moment. 

Queen  Elizabeth  of  Roumania,  though  an  old 
woman  and  despite  her  many  trials  and  sorrows, 
had  kept  the  smile  and  lovely  eyes  which  had  made 
the  Princess  Elisabeth  of  Wied  such  a  fascinating 
girl.  Her  great  mental  gifts  have  never  been  ques- 
tioned, and  though  her  eccentricities  had  given  rise 
to  a  certain  amount  of  ridicule,  she  was  acknowl- 
edged by  universal  consent  to  be  one  of  the  most 
versatile  women  of  her  time.  In  Roumania  her 
work  in  the  domain  of  charity  and  education  had 
been  as  considerable  as  the  King's  in  that  of  politics 
and  material  development  of  the  prosperity  of  the 
country.  She  was  universally  loved  and  readily 
forgiven  the  vagaries  of  her  artistic  imagination. 
This  temperament  bred  strange  ideas,  such  as  that 
of  appearing  one  day,  at  a  festivity  which  she  had 
given  at  the  palace  in  Bucharest,  disguised  as  a 
Watteau  shepherdess,  with  powdered  hair  and 
short  pink  gown,  leading  a  white  lamb  by  a  rose 
ribbon,  which,  unnerved  by  the  novelty  of  the  situ- 


A  POETIC  QUEEN  145 

ation,  became  wild  in  the  ball-room.  The  fact  is 
that  the  mental  balance  of  the  Queen  had  been  up- 
set by  the  death  of  her  only  child,  and  it  was  years 
before  she  fully  recovered.  This  sorrow  opened 
her  heart  to  all  who  were  sad  or  in  want.  The 
good  she  did  was  enormous.  It  would  have  been 
difficult  to  find  a  higher,  nobler  spirit  than  that  of 
the  Queen,  but,  unfortunately,  it  rarely  conde- 
scended to  look  at  things  from  a  matter-of-fact 
standpoint.  If  she  happened  to  be  composing  a 
poem  or  some  beautiful  musical  piece,  which  for 
the  time  being  absorbed  all  her  intellectual  facul- 
ties, it  transported  her  whole  soul  into  higher  re- 
gions whither  it  was  impossible  for  anyone  less 
gifted  to  follow.  When  one  looked  at  her  in  her 
flowing  white  garments,  with  the  picturesque  head- 
dress of  the  Roumanian  peasants,  in  the  half  light 
which  generally  surrounded  her,  she  appeared  like 
some  fantastic  yet  benign  fairy,  too  beautiful  to  be 
true,  too  ethereal  to  be  genuine.  One  could  very 
well  understand  that  the  King  admired  her  as  some- 
thing too  holy  even  to  desecrate  by  a  thought  or  a 
touch,  but  one  could  yet  easily  imagine  that  his 
strongly  practical  nature  would  have  preferred 
after  all,  in  order  to  be  entirely  happy,  a  wife  who 
would  have  sympathised  more  thoroughly  with  his 
personal  tastes  and  pursuits  and  shared  more  defi- 
nitely in  his  ambitions. 

I  was  asked  to  dine  with  the  royal  pair,  and  the 
King  welcomed  me  with  entire  cordiality.  He  had 
returned  to  the  castle  just  before  the  meal,  and 


146  THE  NEAR  EAST  FROM  WITHIN 

whilst  it  lasted  the  conversation  remained  quite 
trivial,  touching  only  on  current  events;  but  after 
dinner  was  over  the  sovereign  invited  me  into  his 
study,  and,  having  asked  me  to  sit  down,  began  at 
once  to  speak  about  Berlin  and  the  Emperor.  For 
obvious  reasons  it  is  impossible  to  reproduce  even  a 
tithe  of  the  momentous  interview  of  which  I  was 
instructed  to  take  a  verbal  reply  back  to  Berlin. 
Such,  it  seemed,  had  been  the  desire  of  William  II., 
and,  as  Carol  I.  rather  acidly  remarked,  a  wise  de- 
sire too.  ''I  cannot  very  well  advise  him  in  the 
present  circumstances.  He  has  always  declared 
himself  the  champion  of  peace  in  Europe;  he  has 
advocated  it  constantly,  and  all  at  once  you  find 
him  seized  with  a  frantic  desire  to  disturb  that 
peace,  all  because  he  is  afraid  of  a  young  man  whom 
it  would  be  easy  for  him  to  reduce  to  utter  power- 
lessness  if  he  really  desired  it.  You  may  not  un- 
derstand it,  but  I  will  explain.  Of  course,  it  is  no 
secret  to  you  that  the  relations  of  the  Emperor 
with  the  Crown  Prince  are  anything  but  cordial. 
The  heir  to  the  throne  is  developing  most  danger- 
ous designs  against  his  father ;  he  has  succeeded  in 
making  himself  enormously  popular  and  of  rally- 
ing around  him  a  considerable  party  quite  capable, 
under  certain  provocations,  of  going  so  far  as  con- 
spiring against  their  sovereign,  whom  they  accuse 
of  cowardice  in  regard  to  Russia.  It  is  those  peo- 
ple who  have  completely  inspired  the  Emperor  with 
the  fear  that  he  may  at  a  given  moment  be  over- 
thrown and  replaced  ^v  his  son,  in  whom  the  mili- 


FRIENDSHIP  FOR  ENGLAND        147 

tary  party  in  Prussia  sees  its  future  avenger  and 
hero.  Your  Emperor  feels  this  opposition  to  him 
more  than  he  cares  to  say.  If  he  were  sensible  he 
would  not  pay  attention  to  a  campaign  which  is 
bound  to  die  a  natural  death  if  left  to  itself,  but 
he  refuses  to  believe  that  half  the  attacks  made 
against  his  person  in  the  French  and  Russian  Press 
are  inspired,  and  in  some  cases  paid  for,  by  the 
partisans  of  his  own  son  in  Berlin." 

I  could  not  reply  to  this  strange  declaration, 
which  took  me  quite  unawares,  and  therefore 
waited  for  the  next  words  of  the  King.  Carol  I. 
went  over  to  the  window,  and  for  some  moments 
remained  standing  at  it,  looking  at  the  beautiful 
landscape  with  the  dark  mountains  for  its  back- 
ground, absorbed  seemingly  in  deep  thought.  Then 
he  turned,  and,  resuming  his  seat,  went  on  in  a 
more  matter-of-fact  voice: 

"It  is  not  wise  for  an  outsider  to  interfere  in 
family  questions.  I  cannot  afford,  or  rather  Rou- 
mania  cannot  afford,  to  be  mixed  up  in  such  dan- 
gerous matters.  She  might  have  to  pay  too  dearly 
for  it  later  on.  Personally,  I  can  tell  you  that  I 
think  the  Emperor  ought  to  resume  his  old  line  of 
conduct,  which  has  been  such  a  success  in  the  past, 
and  that  his  apprehensions  as  to  the  aggressive  in- 
tentions of  Russia  and  England  are  utterly  fal- 
lacious. If  William  were  a  little  patient,  he  would 
see  the  truth  of  this  remark.  I  certainly  won't  help 
the  Emperor  in  his  designs  against  England.  I 
utterly  disapprove  of  them,  and,  moreover,  I  feel 


148  THE  NEAR  EAST  FROM  WITHIN 

convinced  that  any  attempt  in  that  direction  must 
end  in  disaster.  A  sovereign  ought  to  look  at  things 
objectively,  not  by  the  light  of  his  personal  pas- 
sions." 

"It  is  what  Your  Majesty  has  always  done,"  I 
remarked.  "But  does  Your  Majesty  really  believe 
that  the  Emperor  nurses  a  jealousy  in  the  respect 
you  point  out?"  I  ventured  to  add. 

"Do  I  believe  it?  I  know  it!"  exclaimed  the 
King,  with  more  warmth  than  he  had  yet  shown. 
"I  know  it  better  even  than  if  he  had  told  me  any- 
thing about  it.  He  is  essentially  of  a  jealous  na- 
ture. On  the  other  hand,  the  son  loathes  the  father 
who  can  order  him  about,  put  him  under  arrest 
when  he  pleases,  and  who  alone  does  not  see  in  him 
the  Crown  Prince,  but  merely  a  naughty  child  to  be 
punished  for  the  slightest  fault  against  the  discipline 
which  he  has  established  in  his  household.  Jealousy 
of  one  another  has  always  been  one  of  the  domi- 
nant features  of  the  character  of  the  Hohenzol- 
lerns. 

"Think  about  the  present  moment  in  the  light  of 
what  I  have  said.  Watch  it,  and  then  draw  your 
own  conclusions.  Go  back  to  Berlin,"  said  the 
King,  after  a  pause,  "tell  your  Emperor  that  the 
only  advice  his  old  relative  can  give  to  him  is  to 
take  a  soothing  mixture  and  to  go  to  bed  over  it. 
Night  is  sometimes  the  best  of  advisers,  and  he  had 
better  try  not  to  dwell  upon  his  son's  misdeeds. 
The  boy's  ambitions  are  certainly  not  worse  than 
those   in   which   he  himself   indulged   during  his 


FRIENDSHIP  FOR  ENGLAND        149 

father's  short  reign.     History  repeats  itself.     Let 
him  take  the  lesson  to  heart,  and  remember  that  so 
long  as  he  remains  the  master  nothing  can  result 
from  the  wild  militarism  of  the  Crown  Prince." 
I  never  saw  King  Carol  after  that  day. 


CHAPTER  XIII 


THE  GERMAN  EMPEROR  AT  KONOPISCHT 


NOT  long  after  my  return  to  Berlin  from 
Bucharest  I  heard  that  William  II.  was 
going  to  pay  a  visit  to  the  heir  presump- 
tive of  Austria-Hungary  at  Franz  Ferdinand's  cas- 
tle of  Konopischt,  in  Bohemia. 

There  was  not  much  love  lost  between  Francis 
Joseph  and  his  heir  presumptive,  whose  domineer- 
ing temper  had  more  than  once  jarred  upon  his 
uncle's  nerves.  Franz  Ferdinand  was  a  strong 
character,  and  could  not  brook  contradiction.  He 
was  entirely  under  the  influence  of  the  Duchess  of 
Hohenberg,  his  morganatic  consort,  and  of  the 
Jesuits,  by  whom  her  marriage  with  the  Archduke 
had  been  made  possible.  His  leanings  were  frankly 
Clerical,  and  the  Liberals  looked  forward  with  mis- 
giving toward  the  future,  being  persuaded  that 
Franz  Ferdinand,  at  the  instigation  of  the  Ultra- 
montane party,  would  adopt  an  aggressive  policy 
toward  Russia,  the  only  serious  rival  of  his  ambi- 
tions in  the  Balkan  Peninsula.  His  great  friend- 
ship with  King  Ferdinand  of  Bulgaria  had  aroused 
considerable  suspicions  concerning  his  future  inten- 
tions, and  he  was  supposed  not  only  to  favour  the 
views  of  the  military  party  in  Austria,  but  also 

150 


THE  DUCHESS  OF  HOHENBERG    151 

those  of  the  statesmen  who  advocated  the  interven- 
tion of  Austria  in  the  internal  affairs  of  Bulgaria 
as  well  as  of  Servia. 

The  Archduke  had  been  suspected  also  of  sym- 
pathising with  the  late  King  Milan  of  Servia  to  the 
detriment  of  the  Karageorgevitch  dynasty.  When 
the  brutal  murder  of  King  Alexander  and  Queen 
Draga  had  taken  place,  the  heir  to  the  Austrian 
throne  was  supposed  to  have  urged  upon  his  uncle 
the  necessity  of  an  armed  intervention  of  Austria 
in  Servia,  the  ultimate  result  of  which  would  be 
the  permanent  occupation  of  Servia  by  the  armies 
of  the  Emperor  Francis  Joseph.  The  idea  had  been 
viewed  with  a  certain  degree  of  favour  by  the  lead- 
ing spirits  at  the  Ball  Platz,  and  might  have  been 
put  into  execution  had  not  the  German  Emperor 
interfered. 

The  Emperor  William's  intervention  was  deeply 
resented  by  the  Archduke,  and  for  some  time  their 
relations  remained  cool,  if  not  actually  strained. 
Later  on,  however,  they  grew  more  friendly,  thanks 
chiefly  to  the  influence  of  the  Duchess  of  Hohen- 
berg,  who  out  of  personal  motives  was  doing  her 
utmost  to  make  friends  with  those  who  were  likely 
to  help  her.  The  Duchess,  who  was  certainly  one 
of  the  most  remarkable  women  of  her  generation, 
occupied  a  false  position  at  the  Vienna  Court.  She 
was  the  daughter  of  a  Bohemian  nobleman  of  high 
birth  and  lineage,  but,  her  father  having  but  small 
means,  she  had  been  taken  as  her  lady-in-waiting 
by  the  Archduchess  Isabella,  the  consort  of  the 


152  THE  NEAR  EAST  FROM  WITHIN 

Archduke  Frederick,  more  out  of  pity  than  any- 
thing else.  The  Archduke  Franz  Ferdinand  had 
been  struck  by  her  rare  intelligence  and  fascinated 
by  her  clever  conversation.  His  aunt  found  out  his 
attraction  for  the  society  of  her  lady-in-waiting, 
and  had  turned  the  latter  out  of  her  house.  The 
Duchess  had  always  been  a  devout  daughter  of  the 
Roman  Catholic  Church ;  the  Jesuits,  therefore,  for 
reasons  which  may  not  have  been  disinterested, 
used  all  their  best  endeavours  to  induce  the  young 
Archduke  to  make  her  his  wife.  They  succeeded. 
The  wedding  was  celebrated  at  the  castle  of  Reich- 
stadt,  in  Bohemia.  The  progress  of  the  personal 
history  of  Franz  Ferdinand  and  his  morganatic 
wife  is  not  pertinent  to  the  present  narrative  until 
after  a  long  period  from  the  wedding,  when  the 
Duchess  noticed  that  her  husband's  relations  with 
the  Emperor  William  had  lost  something  of  their 
old  cordiality.  She  applied  herself  to  re-establish 
them  and  to  make  friends  on  her  own  account  with 
the  German  monarch,  feeling  sure  that  his  protec- 
tion would  help  her  over  the  difficulties  she  knew 
would  be  in  her  path  on  the  day  when  her  consort 
became  Emperor.  William  II.,  on  his  part,  was 
glad  to  find  an  ally  in  the  wife  of  Franz  Ferdi- 
nand, and  he  even  invited  the  couple  to  visit  Pots- 
dam, where  he  treated  the  Duchess  as  due  to  receive 
like  honour  to  that  which  would  have  been  hers  had 
she  been  of  the  blood  royal.  He  had  long  talks  with 
her,  during  which  he  gave  her  to  understand  that 
he  would  always  look  upon  her  not  only  as  his  equal, 


WILLIAM  II.  AND  FERDINAND      153 

but  also  as  a  good  friend  and  adviser  in  all  political 
matters  of  mutual  interest  to  the  monarchy  of  Aus- 
tria-Hungary and  to  Germany. 

Nevertheless,  when  the  Balkan  complications 
arose,  the  personal  relations  of  the  Emperor  with 
his  friend  again  underwent  a  change.  William  11. 
said  he  did  not  approve  of  the  intervention  of  Aus- 
tria in  favour  of  Bulgaria.  Lie  did  not  wish  to 
appear  at  that  particular  moment  too  well-disposed 
toward  King  Ferdinand.  It  was  at  that  time  that 
William  II.  first  entertained  seriously  his  great 
plan  to  wrest  the  Suez  Canal  from  England.  It 
would  not,  therefore,  have  been  consistent  to  seem 
too  interested  in  the  aspirations  of  Ferdinand.  By 
reason,  moreover,  of  these  various  circumstances 
he  had  to  exercise  a  good  deal  of  caution  in  his  re- 
lations with  the  Archduke  Franz  Ferdinand,  and  he 
endeavoured  to  persude  him  that  it  was  not  in  his 
interest  to  create  a  conflict  between  Austria  and 
Servia  for  the  sake  of  Bosnia  and  Herzegovina, 
or  even  of  Turkey. 

The  Duchess  of  Hohenberg  entered  readily  into 
these  ideas,  exerting  her  influence  over  her  husband 
to  induce  him  to  believe  that  his  interests,  even 
more  than  those  of  his  country,  demanded  that  he 
should  cause  peaceful  elements  to  prevail  in  the 
decisions  of  the  Viennese  Cabinet.  A  visit  which 
the  couple  paid  to  the  King  and  Queen  of  England 
at  Windsor  Castle,  during  which  the  Duchess  was 
treated  with  extreme  courtesy,  if  perhaps  W'ith  a 
shade  less  effusiveness  than  had  been  the  case  at 


154  THE  NEAR  EAST  FROM  WITHIN 

Potsdam,  confirmed  her  in  the  idea  that  the  best 
poHcy  her  future  sovereign  could  follow  was  to 
remain  quiet  and  wait  for  the  natural  development 
of  events. 

The  result  of  my  visit  to  Bucharest — as  the 
reader  knows — was  a  flat  refusal  to  entertain  the 
proposal  inferred  in  the  letter  I  carried  from  Wil- 
liam II.  to  King  Carol.  The  rebuff,  however,  it 
transpired,  did  not  cause  the  German  Emperor  to 
bury  his  ambition.  He  transferred  his  attentions 
to  the  Archduke  Franz  Ferdinand. 

The  task  before  William  II.  was  difficult  and 
full  of  intricacies,  but  not  beyond  his  versatile 
powers.  True,  he  had  discouraged  Franz  Ferdi- 
nand earlier,  and  now  it  became  incumbent  to  pro- 
vide some  incentive  to  stir  the  Archduke  into  ac- 
tion. To  my  mind  this  lies  at  the  bottom  of  the 
self-invited  visit  to  Konopischt  and  the  prelimi- 
nary flattering  of  the  Duchess  of  Hohenberg. 

He  spent  three  days  with  the  Archducal  couple, 
and  used  his  best  eloquence  to  persuade  the  heir 
to  the  Austrian  throne  that  Russia  had  made  up 
her  mind  to  interfere  in  favour  of  Servia,  and  aid 
her  desire  to  win  the  two  provinces  of  Bosnia  and 
Herzegovina.  Their  annexation  by  Austria  had 
long  been  a  thorn  in  the  side  of  Servia.  Neither 
the  Archduke  Franz  Ferdinand  nor  Count  Berch- 
told,  who  had  been  asked  to  meet  William  II.  at 
Konopischt,  fell  in  with  his  ideas.  The  Austrian 
Foreign  Secretary  did  not  care  to  raise  a  storm 
the  magnitude  of  which  he  could  imagine,  and  the 


SARAJEVO!  155 

Archduke  feared  that  a  war  would  resolve  itself 
into  failure,  so  far  as  Austrian  ambitions  were  con- 
cerned. From  the  account  of  this  visit,  as  it  was 
told  me  quite  soon  afterwards,  the  Archduke  had 
begun  to  resent  the  authority  which  William  II. 
had  assumed  over  him.  More  than  that,  his  visit 
to  England  had  convinced  him  that  the  British  Gov- 
ernment was  doing  its  best  to  restrain  bellicose  ten- 
dencies. 

It  therefore  became  difficult  for  the  German  Em- 
peror to  convince  his  friend  that  the  moment  had 
really  come  when  the  existence  of  German  civilisa- 
tion, to  use  his  own  expression,  was  threatened. 
William  11.  then  tried  the  Duchess  of  Hohenberg, 
but  he  found  her  even  more  averse  than  the  Arch- 
duke to  a  warlike  policy.  She  distinctly  told  the 
Emperor  that  the  time  had  not  arrived  when  the 
Archduke  could  think  of  saddening  the  few  years, 
or  perhaps  even  the  few  months,  which  his  uncle 
had  left  to  live  by  precipitating  the  horrors  of  a 
European  war.  William  II.  became  very  angry, 
and  without  a  word  left  the  Duchess. 

The  last  day  of  the  Emperor  William's  stay  in 
that  old  Bohemian  castle  was  by  no  means  pleasant. 
Considerable  restraint  had  taken  the  place  of  the 
easy,  familiar  intercourse  which  had  marked  the 
beginning  of  the  visit.  A  few  hours  before  he  said 
good-bye  the  Emperor  tried  to  ascertain  the  Arch- 
duke's intentions;  but  Franz  Ferdinand  was  not  in 
a  good  temper,  and  his  blunt  reply  was  to  the  ef- 
fect that  most  certainly  he  was  not  going  to  draw 


156  THE  NEAR  EAST  FROM  WITHIN 

chestnuts  out  of  the  fire  for  another  person.  The 
two  men  parted  in  anger,  and  the  Emperor  re- 
marked to  the  aide-de-camp  who  had  accompanied 
him  to  Konopischt,  that  the  Archduke  would  never 
listen  to  reason  and  was  blind  to  where  lay  his  best 
interests. 

With  all  his  clumsiness  Franz  Ferdinand  was  not 
a  bad  judge  of  character. 

A  month  had  hardly  gone  after  the  visit  of  the 
German  Emperor  to  the  historic  and  noble  castle 
hidden  among  the  roses  which  made  its  gardens 
such  a  thing  of  beauty,  when,  in  Sarajevo,  a  mur- 
derer raised  his  pistol,  and  with  two  angry  shots 
destroyed  two  lives.  These  shots  did  more — they 
fired  the  first  signal  of  a  tragedy  the  like  of  which 
the  world  has  never  seen. 


CHAPTER  XIV 

SERVIA    IN   THE    'EIGHTIES 

THE  title  I  have  given  to  the  present  chap- 
ter may  be  somewhat  of  a  misnomer,  see- 
ing that  the  action  of  the  story  told  herein 
begins  in  the  'seventies  and  stretches  through  the 
next  decade  into  the  'nineties.  The  'eighties  was 
a  period  pregnant  with  happenings  in  the  lives  of 
the  Servian  royal  family  and  full  of  portent  for 
the  future  history  of  Europe.  Of  these  events  the 
murder  of  Franz  Ferdinand  was  a  distant  reflex, 
for  which  reason  it  becomes  opportune  to  dip  into 
the  tempestuous  past  of  the  Obrenovitch  dynasty. 

In  those  days  Servia  was  still,  as  for  centuries 
it  had  been,  a  revolutionary,  half-tamed  country, 
one  in  which  human  life  counted  for  little,  and 
where  was  exhibited  an  utter  disregard  for  the  com- 
mon laws  of  mankind.  The  politicians  of  those 
days,  too,  were  actuated  by  a  perpetual  opportun- 
ism marked  by  a  selfishness  that  bordered  on  the 
marvellous,  so  guileless  was  it  of  any  attempt  at 
disguise. 

The  Karageorgevitch  dynasty  had  superseded  the 
Obrenovitch.  Perhaps  "blotted  out"  is  the  nearer 
expression.  The  father  of  the  last  representative 
was  King  Milan,  one  gifted  with  uncommon  in- 

157 


158  THE  NEAR  EAST  FROM  WITHIN 

sight  and  adaptability,  but  spoiled  by  Oriental  guile 
and  a  mania  for  material  pleasure.  He  was  popu- 
lar in  his  country  for  a  considerable  period,  and 
probably  would  have  contrived  to  keep  the  appre- 
ciation of  his  people  had  it  not  been  for  his  domes- 
tic quarrels  with  his  wife  and  the  disgraceful 
scenes  that  followed.  He  understood  perfectly  well 
the  nature  of  his  subjects;  when  to  flatter,  equally 
as  the  psychological  moment  to  crush  his  many 
enemies.  But  he  was  a  man  entirely  without  prin- 
ciple. After  having  appeared  to  favour  Russian  in- 
terests, he  suddenly  turned  against  Russia,  and  de- 
voted all  his  energies  to  promoting  Austrian  influ- 
ence in  Servia. 

The  reason  for  his  sudden  volte-face  lay  in  his 
personal  relations  with  Queen  Natalie,  whose  Rus- 
sian nationality  gave  him  a  pretext  for  declaring 
himself  the  resolute  opponent  of  her  country.  He 
accused  her  of  sacrificing  the  interests  of  Servia. 
Whether  this  accusation  was  true  or  not  I  cannot 
tell,  but  it  can  hardly  be  denied  that  Natalie,  in  the 
different  crises  of  her  troubled  life,  sought  Rus- 
sian help  and  tried  to  foster  Russian  influence 
among  her  people.  She  believed  that  she  would 
thereby  be  more  secure  from  the  likelihood  of  an 
attempt  on  the  part  of  her  husband  to  rid  himself 
summarily  of  her,  which  was  her  constant  fear. 
She  was  not  clever,  or  she  would  have  soon  found 
out  her  mistake.  Milan  had  been  very  much  in  love 
with  her,  and,  if  one  can  believe  all  that  one  was 
told  by  people  who  knew  the  secrets  of  the  royal 


KING  MILAN  OF  SERVIA  159 

alcove,  felt  very  much  affronted  at  the  curt  way  in 
which  she  received,  or  rather  rejected,  his  affec- 
tion. Beautiful  as  she  undoubtedly  was,  she  had  no 
idea  of  the  power  which  her  beauty  gave  her,  nor 
of  the  advantage  it  might  have  proved  had  she  only 
known  how  to  use  it.  She  was  inordinately  vain, 
and  was  in  her  way  just  as  profoundly  selfish  as 
the  King  himself.  She  loved  intrigue,  and  cared 
only  for  the  people  who  consented  to  flatter  her. 
There  was  a  moment  when  she  had  hoped  to  over- 
throw King  Milan  and  get  herself  proclaimed  re- 
gent of  the  kindom  during  the  minority  of  her  son. 
Her  ambition  in  this  connection  came  to  the  knowl- 
edge of  her  husband,  who  taxed  her  with  it  and 
asserted  that  Russia  was  at  the  back  of  it  all. 

Whether  the  plot  had  really  existed  or  not  it  is 
difficult  to  say  at  this  distance,  but  it  has  been  re- 
lated to  me  with  minute  circumstance  by  more  than 
one.  It  is  impossible  to  say  more,  because  the  first 
king  of  the  new  dynasty  caused  all  papers  connected 
with  the  private  life  as  well  as  with  the  political 
activity  of  the  Obrenovitchs  to  be  destroyed.  It 
certainly  was  not  out  of  the  range  of  possibility, 
when  it  is  remembered  that  after  the  war  of  1877 
Russia  enjoyed  considerable  popularity  in  Servia, 
and  that  the  so-called  Russia  party,  led  by  M. 
Pashitch,  had  many  adherents.  Milan  was  a  man 
who  never  looked  beyond  the  necessities  or  the  sat- 
isfactions of  the  moment.  All  the  political  and  pri- 
vate mistakes  he  fell  into  proceeded  from  his  in- 
ability to  weigh  carefully  the  possible  consequences 


i6o  THE  NEAR  EAST  FROM  WITHIN 

of  his  actions  and  his  instabiHty  of  character.  In 
private  Hfe  he  might  have  been  endured,  but  as  a 
king  he  was  an  execrable  failure. 

The  Queen,  who,  as  I  have  said,  might  have  led 
the  King  at  her  will  had  she  only  given  herself  the 
trouble  to  do  so,  was  in  her  way  just  as  impulsive 
and  passionate  as  her  husband.  To  these  defects 
she  added  a  jealousy  which  was  the  more  strange 
and  inexplicable  in  that  she  did  not  care  for  him. 
She  bitterly  resented  his  numerous  infidelities,  and 
despised  him  for  them.  For  his  part,  the  King 
studied  to  shower  one  insult  upon  another  on  her, 
thwarting  her  in  her  dearest  feelings.  The  dis- 
graceful story  of  the  kidnapping — it  can  hardly  be 
called  anything  else — of  her  son  from  her  is  re- 
membered in  Servia  to  this  day,  and  those  who 
knew  well  the  royal  family  at  that  time  assert  that 
this  act,  coming  as  it  did  from  a  man  who  had 
never  troubled  much  about  his  child,  was  the  prime 
factor  in  the  subsequent  troubles  from  which  Servia 
has  suffered.  The  child  would  undoubtedly  have 
had  a  better  chance  if  left  in  the  care  of  the  Queen, 
and,  indeed,  he  might  never  have  been  taken  away 
had  she  only  acted  rationally.  Instead,  she  was 
actuated  by  the  wish  to  make  herself  unpleasant  to 
her  husband,  and  sacrificed  the  interests  of  her  son 
to  that  sole  object. 

She  had  been  advised  by  one  of  her  relatives  who 
lived  in  Russia  to  apply  to  the  Tsar  Alexander  III. 
and  claim  his  protection  against  Milan,  taking  at 
the  same  time  the  little  Crown  Prince  to  Peters- 


QUEEN  NATALIE  i6i 

burg.  The  idea  was  not  a  bad  one,  and  many  sub- 
sequent sorrows  might  have  been  spared  to  her  had 
she  only  followed  that  wise  plan.  But  she  believed 
that  she  was  able  alone  to  cope  with  her  numerous 
enemies,  and  had  a  sufficient  number  of  partisans 
in  Servia  to  bring  about  Milan's  deposition.  Some 
people  say  that  she  was  imprudent  enough  to  write 
in  that  sense  to  a  false  friend,  who  took  the  letter 
forthwith  to  the  King,  and  that  this  letter  con- 
firmed the  King  in  his  intention  to  appeal  to  the 
German  authorities  to  allow  him  possession  of  his 
child  after  he  had  divorced  the  Queen. 

The  King  hesitated  for  some  days  before  decid- 
ing to  use  force  to  recover  his  son,  and  was  ap- 
proached on  the  subject  by  one  of  the  confidential 
friends  of  William  II.  At  that  time  the  Emperor 
had  only  been  on  the  throne  a  few  weeks,  but  had 
followed  most  carefully  the  course  of  events  in  Ser- 
via during  his  career  as  Crown  Prince.  He  saw 
his  opportunity  to  establish  Austrian  influence  at 
Belgrade,  and  thus  have  an  atmosphere  congenial 
to  German  ideas.  It  did  not  coincide  with  the  in- 
terests of  the  Triple  Alliance  to  allow  Russia  to 
become  paramount  in  Servia,  and  William  II.  well 
knew  that  any  decided  antagonistic  step  taken  by 
Milan  in  regard  to  Natalie  would  more  than  any- 
thing else  throw  him  into  the  arms  of  Austria,  and 
consequently  Germany  would  thus  be  able  to  estab- 
lish herself  firmly  in  the  Balkan  Peninsula. 

Milan  had  as  a  great  friend  one  of  the  few  really 
intelligent  men  in  Austria-Hungary.  His  name  was 


i62   THE  NEAR  EAST  FROM  WITHIN 

Count  Eugene  Zichy,  a  nobleman  of  high  lineage, 
enormous  fortune,  and  great  influence,  who  de- 
tested Russia,  and  who  was  constantly  dreaming  of 
the  day  when  Hungary  would  be  able  to  avenge 
herself  on  the  Tsar  for  the  ruthlessness  with  which 
his  ancestor  Nicholas  I.  had  crushed  the  mutiny  of 
1848.  He  exercised  considerable  influence  over  the 
mind  of  Milan,  whom  he  often  helped  pecuniarily, 
and  to  whom  he  remained  faithful  to  the  end. 

Count  Zichy  conceived  the  idea  of  creating  a 
huge  Balkanic  State  entirely  dependent  upon  and 
welded  to  the  Triple  Alliance,  which  at  a  given  mo- 
ment might  support  it  in  an  attack  on  Russia.  It 
was  he  who  first  suggested  that,  thanks  to  the  lax- 
ity of  her  diplomacy,  the  Tsar  might  easily  be 
ousted  out  of  the  Balkans.  Count  Zichy  knew  Rus- 
sia very  well,  had  often  been  there,  and  carefully 
observed  her  weaknesses  and  noted  the  mistakes  of 
those  who  governed  her.  He  deluded  himself  to 
believe  that  with  perseverance  the  vast  empire  of 
the  Tsar  might  be  reduced  to  the  rank  of  a  second- 
ary Power,  and,  moreover,  he  persuaded  Milan 
that  an  alliance  with  Turkey  on  the  one  hand,  and 
with  Germany  and  Austria  on  the  other,  would  per- 
mit him  to  become  the  leader  of  a  Balkan  confed- 
eracy owing  nothing  to  Russia,  and  give  him  a  posi- 
tion far  superior  even  to  that  of  Ferdinand  of  Saxe- 
Coburg. 

Milan  acquiesced  more  readily  because  this  ad- 
vice was  accompanied  by  a  considerable  gift  of 
money,  presented  in  the  form  of  a  loan.     He  dis- 


COUNT  ZICHY'S  DREAM  163 

missed  Natalie,  and  forced  the  Archbishop  of  Bel- 
grade to  pronounce  the  divorce  he  required.  He 
then  set  himself  resolutely  to  the  task  of  reorgan- 
ising not  only  his  army,  but  also  the  whole  of  the 
Civil  Service  of  Servia,  according  to  the  model  of 
German  administration.  Finally,  it  was  through 
Milan  as  an  intermediary  that  the  question  of  send- 
ing a  German  military  mission  to  Constantinople 
was  suggested  to  influential  men  in  Turkey,  who 
in  their  turn  persuaded  the  Sultan  to  secure  for 
himself  the  services  of  Prussian  officers  who  could 
train  his  troops  according  to  the  traditions  of 
Moltke,  Roon,  and  all  the  other  military  heroes 
upon  whom  Prussia  prided  herself. 

That  policy,  if  pursued  with  any  perseverance 
and  steadfastness,  might  have  been  useful  to  Ser- 
via, no  matter  how  distasteful  it  would  have  proved 
to  Russia.  Unfortunately,  Milan  was  not  capable 
of  perseverance,  and  he  neither  followed  consist- 
ently the  line  he  had  taken  nor  attempted  to  make 
it  triumph.  He  spasmodically  rushed  into  ex- 
tremes; one  moment  favouring  Russia,  the  next 
Austria.  By  the  instability  of  his  conduct  he  dis- 
gusted all  his  warmest  partisans,  and,  to  culminate 
his  errors,  unexpectedly  abdicated  in  favour  of  his 
son,  under  a  regency. 

A  warm  supporter  of  Russia,  M.  Pashitch  at 
once  became  Prime  Minister,  and  applied  himself 
to  the  best  of  his  ability  to  re-establish  good  rela- 
tions with  Russia.  Alexander  HI.  was  still  alive 
at  that  time,  and  he  was  disposed  to  look  with  an 


i64  THE  NEAR  EAST  FROM  WITHIN 

approving  eye  on  the  renewal  of  the  terms  of 
friendship  which  had  formerly  existed  between 
Belgrade  and  Petersburg.  Little  by  little  things 
assumed  their  former  course,  and  Russia  became 
again  an  element  of  support  for  Servia  in  the  lat- 
ter's  relations  with  her  immediate  neighbours. 
Russian  officers  were  called  to  Belgrade  to  serve  as 
instructors  to  the  Servian  army,  which  was  reor- 
ganised on  the  Russian  model.  Austria  began  to 
be  represented  as  an  enemy  of  Servian  independ- 
ence, and  accused  of  intriguing  in  order  to  be  given 
the  direction  of  the  education  of  the  young  King, 
over  whom  Milan  had  renounced  control. 

This  calm,  however,  did  not  last  long.  The  first 
person  to  break  the  peace  was  Natalie,  who  declared 
that  she  wanted  to  come  back  to  Belgrade  to  re- 
sume her  rank  as  Queen.  The  news  was  sufficient 
to  draw  the  ex-King  back  to  Servia,  where  he  be- 
gan to  intrigue  against  his  old  Ministers.  A  plot 
was  hatched  which  had  for  its  object  the  imprison- 
ment of  the  leading  members  of  the  so-called  "Rus- 
sian party,"  and  very  soon  Milan  found  himself 
again  at  the  head  of  affairs,  this  time  as  the  guard- 
ian of  his  own  son. 

He  installed  himself  at  the  Konak  of  Belgrade, 
and  made  himself  very  much  at  home  there.  All 
this  time  Natalie  was  living  at  the  house  of  a  friend. 
One  day  she  met  her  former  husband  in  the  street. 
This  led  to  further  meetings,  and  in  a  few  days 
Milan  asked  her  to  forget  the  past  and  to  return 
to  him,   an   ofifer  which   for   once  she   was  wise 


MILAN  AND  NATALIE  165 

enough  to  accept,  realising  that  her  actual  position 
was  far  from  enviable.  She  left  the  city  for  a  few 
days,  and  when  she  returned  to  it,  after  the  decree 
which  had  reunited  her  to  Milan,  the  city  of  Bel- 
grade gave  her  a  most  enthusiastic  welcome.  She 
had  lost  none  of  her  former  popularity  in  Servia. 

With  the  return  of  Natalie  things  changed  con- 
siderably at  the  Court  of  her  son.  Owing  to  his 
youth  the  boy,  though  King  in  name,  was  not  al- 
lowed to  exercise  any  authority.  Milan  held  the 
reins  of  government  and  was  responsible  for  the 
conduct  of  public  affairs.  The  part  suited  him.  It 
caused  chagrin  to  the  Queen,  who  saw  her  hopes 
blasted  once  more.  She  had  to  smile  on  the  many 
Austrians  who  crowded  into  Belgrade,  where  Milan 
received  them  with  open  arms,  and  she  had,  more- 
over, to  submit  to  the  wild  unrestraint  of  the  King. 
Very  soon  life  at  the  Konak  became  impossible, 
and  as  the  Queen  declared  that  nothing  would  ever 
make  her  exile  herself  a  second  time,  Milan  had 
to  go,  leaving  his  son  to  the  care  of  Queen  Natalie. 

The  Queen's  triumph  did  not  last  long.  The 
Cabinet,  and  M.  Pashitch  especially — who  though 
not  in  power,  yet  was  absolute  master  of  the  situa- 
tion— found  out  that  the  Queen,  no  longer  fearing 
her  husband,  was  intriguing  to  bring  about  an 
armed  intervention  of  Russia  in  Servia.  But  find- 
ing that  no  one  listened  to  her,  and  that  she  was 
fast  losing  any  influence  she  might  have  possessed 
in  the  past,  Natalie  forsook  her  son,  and  left  again 
for  Paris. 


i66  THE  NEAR  EAST  FROM  WITHIN 

Before  she  left,  however,  she  managed  to  have 
a  long  conversation  with  her  son.  During  her  ab- 
sence from  Belgrade  his  affection  had  suffered 
alienation,  and  he  had  become  imbued  with  the  be- 
lief that  she  was  so  swayed  by  ambition  that  she 
would  have  scrupled  at  nothing  to  wield  unfettered 
the  power  she  coveted.  He  was,  therefore,  pleas- 
antly surprised  when  he  found  that  Natalie  advised 
him  to  put  an  end  to  the  strife  which  was  fast  mak- 
ing the  Court  of  Belgrade  the  laughing-stock  of 
the  world.  He  should,  she  said,  secure  the  neces- 
sary authority  to  rule  the  State  independently  of 
his  advisers,  none  of  whom  was  disinterested.  She 
recommended  certain  officers  who  would  be  willing 
people  to  help  him  in  that  enterprise,  and  before 
she  went  away  mother  and  son  had  decided  upon 
a  plan  which  they  honestly  believed  was  born  in 
their  own  brains,  but  which  had  in  reality  come 
from  Germany  through  the  instrumentality  of  the 
Queen's  sister,  the  Princess  Ghika,  whose  husband 
occupied  the  position  of  Roumanian  Minister  at 
Berlin,  and  with  whom  the  Emperor  William  had 
struck  up  a  great  friendship. 

It  was  that  sovereign  who,  seeing  that  M. 
Pashitch  was  once  more  gaining  ground  with  his 
ideas  of  a  Servo-Russian  rapprochement,  had  made 
another  attempt  to  snatch  Servia  and  her  young 
King  from  the  snares  of  Russian  influence — which 
was  the  way,  I  was  told,  William  II.  had  referred 
to  the  matter;  and  I  have  no  doubt  that  he  really 
viewed  himself  as  the  ordained  saviour  of  Servia. 


M.  PASHITCH  AND  RUSSIA         167 

The  German  Emperor  suggested  to  Princess  Ghika 
that  the  best  thing  her  sister  could  do  was  to  induce 
her  son  to  proclaim  himself  of  age,  and  thus  deliver 
himself  from  the  Ministers  who  held  him  in  thral- 
dom. Natalie  was  at  once  converted  to  that  point 
of  view,  and,  as  we  have  seen,  persuaded  young 
Alexander  to  take  the  step. 

These  incidents  explain  the  hidden  causes  that 
finally  led  to  such  grave  results  at  the  time  of  the 
assassination  of  the  unfortunate  son  of  Natalie, 
and  later  still  to  the  fate  which  overtook  the  Arch- 
duke Franz  Ferdinand  and  his  wife.  Wide  apart 
as  the  two  catastrophes  seem  to  stand  from  each 
other,  they  yet  proceed  from  the  same  root-cause 
and  are  an  outcome  of  the  same  reckless  ambitions. 


CHAPTER  XV 

ALEXANDER  OF   SERVIA  AND  QUEEN   DRAGA 

BETWEEN  the  warring  influences  of  his 
father  and  mother  it  is  no  wonder  that 
when  Alexander  became  King  of  Servia  the 
poor  child  knew  but  little  of  principles  and  was 
prone  to  succumb  to  the  first  temptation  which 
arose.  He  had  seen  those  whose  conduct  ought  to 
have  been  an  example  to  him  resort  to  perfidious 
manoeuvres  in  order  to  harm  one  another;  he  had 
had  every  opportunity  to  watch  the  chicanery  of 
the  different  political  leaders  who  in  turns  ruled 
the  country ;  he  had  listened  to  men  who  constantly 
told  him  that  in  politics  the  end  justified  the  means, 
and  that  victory  belonged  to  the  side  who  lied  and 
cheated  to  the  best  effect. 

In  his  boyhood  he  had  been  devoted  to  his 
mother,  but  when,  in  a  literal  sense,  he  had  been 
snatched  from  her  arms  he  had  fallen  under  the 
influence  of  his  unprincipled  father,  who,  to  be 
revenged  on  the  wife  who  had  disdained  him,  had 
blackened  her  character  to  his  son.  The  result  was 
that  Alexander  of  Servia  grew  to  despise  both  his 
parents,  and  at  eighteen  years  of  age  was  a  youth 
who  respected  nothing  and  who  was  absorbed  in 
himself  and  his  personal  pursuits. 

i68 


ALEXANDER'S  COUP  D'ETAT       169 

When  Natalie  returned  to  Belgrade,  reconciled 
at  least  in  appearance  to  her  husband,  she  found 
her  boy  cold  and  disdainful.  He  had  forgotten  the 
tenderness  she  had  lavished  upon  him  in  the  past, 
as  well  as  his  own  affection  for  her.  It  is  but  natu- 
ral that  she  resented  this  state  of  things  deeply, 
and  that  her  feelings  in  regard  to  Milan  became 
even  more  bitter  than  they  had  been  when  he  had 
divorced  her.  When  she  returned  to  Servia,  and 
had  consented  to  condone  the  past,  the  act  did  not 
carry  with  it  a  forgetfulness  of  his  conduct.  What 
she  had  desired  was  to  gather  around  her  once  more 
her  former  friends  and  partisans  at  the  Konak  of 
Belgrade. 

It  was  not  long  before  she  found  that,  as  the 
mother  of  the  young  sovereign  who  had  replaced 
his  father  upon  the  throne,  she  was  watched  in  all 
her  movements,  and  that  everyone  was  trying  to 
represent  her  to  her  son  Alexander  as  an  ambitious, 
unscrupulous  woman,  who  would  not  hesitate  even 
to  commit  crime  if  she  saw  in  its  accomplishment 
a  personal  advantage  for  herself. 

Natalie  applied  herself  to  overcome  the  preju- 
dices which  had  been  instilled  into  her  son's  mind 
and  to  win  his  confidence.  This  did  not  prove  so 
difficult  after  all,  despite  the  evident  coolness  with 
which  the  young  King  treated  his  mother,  because 
Alexander  deeply  felt  the  need  of  a  friend  in  whom 
he  could  confide.  When,  therefore,  she  explained 
to  him  that  he  ought  to  make  an  attempt  to  govern 
alone,  and  to  rid  himself  of  a  regency  which  in- 


170  THE  NEAR  EAST  FROM  WITHIN 

sisted  upon  treating  him  like  a  baby,  he  listened 
with  favour  to  the  idea. 

As  I  have  already  mentioned,  the  Queen  was 
partly  advised  by  her  sister,  the  Princess  Ghika,  in 
whom  the  Emperor  William  II.  had  found  a  warm 
ally,  and  who  inspired  Natalie  in  the  campaign 
which  the  latter  waged  against  the  principal  Ser- 
vian statesmen  who  wanted  to  force  the  young 
King  to  act  according  to  their  ideas  and  opinions. 
The  Queen  proceeded  with  the  utmost  caution,  and 
directed  the  conspiracy  with  such  consummate  skill 
that  very  few  so  much  as  suspected  its  existence. 
Alexander,  therefore,  proclaimed  himself  of  age  on 
April  1st,  1893,  and  assumed  the  conduct  of  the 
affairs  of  the  Government  before  anyone  in  Bel- 
grade had  even  thought  he  had  the  slightest  wish 
to  do  so. 

At  first  this  act  of  independent  authority  made 
the  young  King  very  popular  throughout  Servia. 
Everybody  hoped  great  things  from  the  boy  who 
had  shown  he  was  a  man  instead  of  a  puppet,  and 
one  and  all  hailed  his  act  of  independence  with  joy; 
the  coup  was  considered  to  have  been  opportune 
and  well  planned.  Milan  became  more  unpopular 
than  ever.  He  tried  to  have  an  explanation  with 
the  young  King,  but  his  questions  were  met  with 
such  freezing  politeness  that  he  decided  not  to  pur- 
sue them  any  farther,  and  retired  to  Hungary, 
where  he  was  welcomed  by  his  old  friend.  Count 
Zichy. 

Count  Zichy  was  an  extremely  clever  man,  and 


MADAME  DRAGA  MASCHIN         171 

he  at  once  made  up  his  mmd  that  it  was  worth 
while  to  try,  by  making  use  of  the  undercurrents 
in  the  Court,  to  drive  the  young  King  into  the 
embrace  of  Austria.  In  order  to  achieve  this  ob- 
ject Count  Zichy  spared  neither  trouble  nor  money, 
and  it  was  principally  due  to  his  efforts  in  this  di- 
rection that  Servia  became  inundated  with  people 
of  Austrian  birth.  No  pains  were  spared  to  trans- 
form Servia  into  an  Austrian  province. 

The  Count  stood  high  in  the  good  graces  of  the 
Emperor  William,  who  had  invited  him  on  more 
than  one  occasion  to  shoot  with  him.  During  the 
frequent  visits  he  made  to  Berlin  he  had  been  made 
acquainted  with  the  general  outlines  of  the  plans 
of  the  German  sovereign,  and  had  entered  with 
enthusiasm  into  his  views  as  to  the  necessity  of 
putting  an  end  to  Russian  designs  in  the  Balkan 
Peninsula.  The  Count  became  the  principal  agent 
of  Prussia  in  Servia,  and  he  could  act  with  the 
more  impunity  because  no  one  dreamed  the  inner 
politics  of  that  country  could  be  of  the  slightest 
interest  to  the  wise  people  who  ruled  at  Wilhelm- 
strasse. 

Very  soon  the  apparent  lull  in  home  politics 
which  had  followed  the  assumption  of  the  reins 
of  the  Government  by  King  Alexander  came  to  an 
end,  and  the  battle  for  supremacy  in  Servia  was 
resumed  with  renewed  vigour.  Amid  all  this  tur- 
moil King  Alexander  lost  his  way;  he  felt  help- 
less in  presence  of  all  these  rivalries,  animosities, 
and  strifes,  and,  to  make  matters  more  perplex- 


172   THE  NEAR  EAST  FROM  WITHIN 

ing  still  for  the  lad — Alexander  was  no  more  than 
that — the  Queen  also  left  Belgrade,  saying  to  her 
son  that  as  he  would  not  listen  to  her  advice  he 
must  act  on  his  own  responsibility.  William  II., 
in  his  interest  in  the  welfare  of  Servia,  wrote  once 
or  twice  to  King  Alexander,  urging  him  to  con- 
sider Austria  as  his  best  friend  and  his  only  protec- 
tion against  Russia.  And  all  this  time  the  quiet 
influence  of  Princess  Ghika  was  busy. 

Perplexed,  w^orried,  and  utterly  unable  to  see 
what  path  he  ought  to  enter  upon,  Alexander  took 
a  short  holiday  in  the  hope  that  the  quietness  would 
enable  him  to  decide  upon  a  course  which  would  be 
best  for  Servia.  He  went  to  Biarritz  to  see  his 
mother,  and  there  fell  under  the  charm  of  Madame 
Draga  Maschin,  the  lovely  woman  whom  he  was 
ultimately  to  make  his  wife. 

Madame  Draga  Maschin  was  at  that  time  some- 
thing like  thirty-two  years  of  age.  She  had  been 
married  to  an  officer  in  the  Servian  army,  Colonel 
Maschin,  from  whom,  however,  she  had  very 
quickly  secured  a  divorce.  Thanks  to  the  protec- 
tion of  her  brother,  for  whom  Queen  Natalie  had 
a  warm  regard,  and  whom  she  felt  bound  to  pro- 
tect for  various  reasons  too  long  to  relate  here, 
Draga  had  become  lady-in-waiting  to  the  deposed 
sovereign,  and  had  very  soon  succeeded  in  mak- 
ing herself  indispensable. 

She  was  exceedingly  clever,  insinuating,  pos- 
sessed a  wonderful  charm,  and  was  eminently 
attractive.     She  had  a  brilliant  talent  for  music, 


DRAGA  DECLINES  TO  INTRIGUE   173 

and  composed  verses  which  were  taking  though 
meretricious.  Apart  from  these  advantages,  she 
had  a  soft,  pleasant,  melodious  voice,  and  appealed 
to  the  senses  of  men  by  an  exceedingly  sympathetic 
manner  that  spoke  volumes  even  when  she  said 
nothing. 

Queen  Natalie  grew  to  like  her  extremely,  and 
when  her  son  came  to  see  her  she  often  appealed 
to  her  lady-in-waiting  to  amuse  and  entertain  him. 
Very  soon  the  young  King,  still  a  boy  in  years  and 
in  experience,  fell  under  the  fascination  of  Madame 
Maschin,  who  won  his  confidence  and  assumed  the 
attitude  of  an  entirely  disinterested  friend.  She 
spoke  with  Alexander,  discussed  with  him  the  dif- 
ficulties of  his  position,  advised  him  what  to  do 
or  say,  and  conquered  his  heart  by  showing  him 
plainly  that  she  loved  him  for  his  own  sake — a 
thing  that  the  poor  boy  had  always  yearned  for 
but  hitherto  never  found.  It  was  not  long  before 
the  idea  of  marrying  her  filled  the  King's  mind,  and 
he  forthwith  started  to  carry  out  his  desire,  without 
reflecting  for  a  moment  on  the  opposition  such  an 
intention  on  his  part  was  bound  to  meet  with 
throughout  Servia. 

The  first  person  who  became  aware  of  the  state 
of  affairs  was  Queen  Natalie,  and  it  would  be  diffi- 
cult to  describe  the  state  of  dismay  into  which  the 
discovery  plunged  her.  She  implored  her  son  to 
desist  from  his  intentions,  and  at  last,  finding  all 
her  efforts  futile,  she  appealed  to  King  Milan  him- 
self and  asked  him  to  convince  their  son  that  he 


174  THE  NEAR  EAST  FROM  WITHIN 

had  no  right  so  to  brave  the  public  opinion  of  the 
whole  of  Europe. 

Milan  called  his  son  to  him  at  Vienna,  and  used 
his  best  eloquence  to  dissuade  him  from  the  danger- 
ous step  he  was  about  to  take,  but  the  influence  of 
Draga  Maschin  proved  stronger  than  that  of  Milan. 
Curtly  and  with  boyish  arrogance  he  told  his  fa- 
ther that  he  was  going  to  please  himself,  and  that 
he  felt  no  impulse  to  listen  to  parents  who  had 
never  troubled  about  his  existence. 

It  was  about  that  time  that  Draga  was  ap- 
proached by  a  mysterious  personage,  who  turned 
out  to  be  one  of  the  confidants  of  the  German  Em- 
peror, and  asked  whether,  in  case  she  received  cer- 
tain necessary  help  to  secure  the  fulfilment  of  her 
heart's  desire,  she  would  use  her  influence  over  King 
Alexander  to  further  Austrian  interests  in  Servia. 
Draga  was  an  ambitious  woman,  but  she  was  a 
patriot.  She  was  no  fool,  moreover,  and  realised 
the  true  import  of  the  proposal,  but  felt  afraid  to 
say  so  for  fear  of  a  trap.  She  therefore  treated 
the  message  as  a  joke.  Unfortunately  for  her,  the 
fact  that  she  had  received  the  mysterious  emissary 
did  not  remain  secret,  and  later  on  the  knowledge 
was  used  against  her  by  the  very  people  who  had 
first  approached  her. 

When  Belgrade  heard  of  the  impending  marriage 
of  its  young  King  it  became  furious,  and  from  the 
very  outset  Draga  found  herself  placed  in  an  im- 
possible position.  For  her  own  sake  it  was  regret- 
table that  she  made  matters  worse  by  aflfecting  a 


OPPOSITION  TO  QUEEN  DRAGA    175 

ridiculously  overweening  pride.  Her  very  fear  of 
being  thought  familiar  led  her  to  become  haughty 
and  insolent  toward  people  she  should  have  done 
her  best  to  conciliate.  Instead  of  allying  herself 
courageously  with  one  party,  she  sought  to  pander 
to  all,  with  the  result  that  each  one  dubbed  her 
false  and  unreliable,  and  when  she  was  in  danger 
abandoned  her  to  her  fate  with  the  utmost  indif- 
ference. 

For  one  moment,  however,  the  efforts  of  Ger- 
many seemed  to  prevail^  and  Draga,  utterly  dis- 
credited in  her  own  country  and  made  the  object 
of  bitter  and  unwarranted  attacks,  in  pique  turned 
her  thoughts  toward  Berlin,  whence  she  expected 
help  and  protection  even  more  than  from  Vienna. 
She  invited  the  German  Minister  to  come  to  the 
Konak,  and  told  him  that  she  w^as  ready  to  favour 
the  development  of  Austrian  policy  in  the  Balkan 
Peninsula.  The  tragedy  of  it  all  was  that  when 
this  occurred  it  was  already  too  late  to  save  her- 
self; the  plot  was  in  action  which  doomed  the 
Queen  and  her  youthful  husband  to  a  cruel  death. 
The  awful  culmination  is  too  well  known  and  its 
details  are  too  harrowing  to  bear  repetition,  but 
there  are  certain  circumstances  connected  with  it 
which  have  long  remained  unknown  to  the  general 
public.  The  soul  of  the  conspiracy  was  a  man  who 
on  different  occasions  has  played  an  important  part 
in  the  internal  troubles  which  during  the  last  quar- 
ter of  a  century  have  shaken  Servia,  and  who  un- 
doubtedly is  to  this  day  one  of  its  leading  figures 


176  THE  NEAR  EAST  FROM  WITHIN 

and  most  active  politicians.  That  man  was  at  dif- 
ferent times  a  member  of  the  Government,  and  had 
favoured  Russian  interests  and  Russian  influence. 

Another  man  of  political  eminence  who  was  a 
strong  supporter  of  Russian  interests,  and  who  be- 
lieved the  regeneration  of  his  country  could  only 
be  accomplished  under  the  shadow  of  the  Tsar,  was 
M.  Pashitch,  of  whom  much  has  been  heard  in 
recent  years. 

M.  hated  King  Milan,  who  had  done  his 

best  to  get  rid  of  him  even  to  the  length  of  an 
attempted  assassination.  His  personal  views  in 
regard  to  the  marriage  of  the  young  King  were 
tinged  by  the  fact  that  he  knew  somewhat  of  the 
early  life  of  Queen  Draga  when  she  was  only  just 
out  of  her  teens.  His  rage  knew  no  bounds  when 
he  found  out  that  the  Queen  was  making  advances 
to  the  Austrian  party  and  endeavouring  to  turn 
her  husband's  mind  against  Russia.  He  tried  to 
induce  M.  Pashitch  to  wink  at  a  plan  to  kidnap 
the  Queen  and  to  shut  her  up  in  an  asylum.  He 
also  wanted  Draga  to  adopt  the  principles  of  the 
Russian  party.  The  Queen,  knowing  the  man  and 
that  he  knew  her  earlier  career,  feared  that  this 
invitation  contained  a  snare,  and  elected  to  follow 
the  advice  of  the  German  emissaries  who  had  found 
the  means  to  approach  her,  and,  further,  to  display 
all  her  powers  of  persuasion  to  induce  the  King  to 
fall  in  with  the  wishes  of  the  Austrian  Minister. 

Such  conduct  was  the  last  straw.  The  politician 
in  question  had  hesitated  before  the  accomplish- 


THE  ROYAL  MURDERS  177 

ment  of  what  he  felt  would  be  an  atrocious,  even 
if,  as  he  thought,  justifiable,  crime.  But  when  he 
had  ascertained  of  a  certainty  that  a  pact  of  alli- 
ance between  the  Queen  and  the  Austrian  envoy 
had  been  concluded,  he  hesitated  no  longer,  and 
began  at  once  negotiations  with  Prince  Peter 
Karageorgevitch,  the  pretender  to  the  throne  of 
Servia,  who  was  living  in  Geneva. 

Prince  Peter  declared  that  though  he  was  ready 
to  step  upon  the  throne  of  his  native  country  should 
there  be  any  expressed  wish  for  him  to  do  so,  he 
would  not  be  privy  to  any  enterprise  by  which  the 
life  of  King  Alexander  could  be  compromised.  He 
was  asked  whether  he  would  sanction  measures 
of  force  in  case  these  became  necessary,  and  is  re- 
ported to  have  replied  "that  he  would  prefer  not  to 
be  asked  that  question,  and  that  he  felt  sure  his 
friends  would  act  for  the  best." 

This  was  quite  sufficient.  When  M.  re- 
turned to  Belgrade  he  had  made  up  his  mind  what 
to  do,  and  he  acted  accordingly. 

His  first  step  was  to  call  together  a  few  officers 
of  whose  feelings  and  opinions  he  felt  quite  sure, 
and  before  them  he  unfolded  a  plan  by  which  it  was 
decided  to  carry  away  the  Queen  and  to  lock  her 
up  in  a  monastery,  whence  she  would  never  emerge 
alive.  What  would  happen  were  she  to  show  re- 
sistance was  left  on  the  knees  of  the  gods,  but  none 
among  the  people  who  were  present  doubted  what 
the  outcome  would  be. 

On  June  loth  Queen  Draga  received  an  anony- 


178  THE  NEAR  EAST  FROM  WITHIN 

mous  letter  by  which  she  was  implored  to  do  her 
best  to  restrain  the  King  from  showing  himself  too 
much  in  public  during  the  days  that  were  coming 
on,  as  well  as  to  keep  a  strict  watch  upon  her  own 
movements.  She  simply  laughed  when  the  warning 
was  conveyed  to  her.  Her  enemies,  however,  neg- 
lected no  detail.  The  sentinels  at  the  palace  were 
suborned,  and  keys  obtained  of  all  the  doors  lead- 
ing to  the  private  apartments  of  the  sovereigns. 

The  King  and  Queen  had  already  retired  for  the 
night  when  the  conspirators  invaded  the  Konak. 
Frightened  at  the  sound  of  voices,  Draga  persuaded 
her  husband  to  seek  a  refuge  behind  a  curtain  in 
their  bedroom.  There  they  spent  over  three  hours 
whilst  the  whole  of  the  palace  was  being  searched. 
Unfortunately,  a  slight  movement  which  they  made 
betrayed  their  presence.  But  for  this  circumstance 
it  is  probable  that  they  would  have  remained  unde- 
tected. One  of  the  party  went  up  to  the  King, 
who  was  holding  the  Queen,  and  dragged  him  into 
the  middle  of  the  room.  As  the  unfortunate  mon- 
arch wanted  to  resist  and  shield  her  from  the  assas- 
sins, they  stabbed  him  to  the  heart,  and  then  threw 
his  body  out  of  the  window  into  the  streets.  Draga 
was  butchered,  for  no  other  expression  can  be  used, 
and  her  body  also  hurled  into  the  street.  Later, 
the  corpses  of  the  King  and  Queen  were  found  by 
monks,  who  buried  them  in  an  old  abbey  where  the 
Obrenovitch  dynasty  possessed  a  family  vault. 

The  next  day  Prince  Peter  Karageorgevitch  was 
elected  King. 


CHAPTER  XVI 

SERVIA    UNDER    KING    PETER 

THE  Karageorgevitch  dynasty,  after  a  lapse 
of  some  sixty  years,  came  back  to  the 
throne  in  the  person  of  King  Peter.  Cer- 
tain melodramatic  writers  have  said  that  he  waded 
through  blood  to  his  throne,  thereby  inferring  that 
Prince  Peter  was  privy  to  the  crime  which  brought 
the  crown  once  more  to  his  House.  Anyone  who 
knows  his  character  will  never  believe  this  accusa- 
tion for  a  moment.  That  he  knew  a  revolution  was 
in  course  is  not  doubtful,  but  it  is  also  quite  cer- 
tain that  the  conspirators  did  not  tell  him  what  were 
their  ultimate  intentions.  When  the  news  of  the 
assassination  of  King  Alexander  was  brought  to 
Prince  Peter  he  was  shocked  beyond  expression, 
and  it  is  certain  that  in  the  first  moment  of  horror 
he  declared  that  he  would  not  appear  to  have  any- 
thing to  do  with  such  an  atrocious  deed,  preferring 
to  renounce  any  pretensions  he  might  have  to  the 
crown  of  Servia. 

Happily  for  the  brave  little  nation,  Prince  Peter's 
brother.  Prince  Arsene  Karageorgevitch,  had  suffi- 
cient influence  to  persuade  Peter  to  take  the  throne. 
Formerly  Arsene  had  been  in  the  Russian  service  as 
an   officer    in    a    crack    regiment — the    Chevaliers 

179 


i8o  THE  NEAR  EAST  FROM  WITHIN 

Gardes.  He  possessed  a  most  determined  charac- 
ter, and  he  it  was  who  put  the  sword  into  the  hand 
of  his  brother,  insisting  on  the  latter  accepting  the 
sovereignty  which  was  thus  unexpectedly  thrust 
upon  him.  He  asserted  that  the  Karageorgevitchs 
owed  it  as  a  duty  to  Servia  to  return  to  the  throne 
at  that  perilous  moment  of  Servian  history.  If  a 
regular  government  were  not  proclaimed  at  Bel- 
grade, Arsene  argued  perceptively,  Austria  would 
not  hesitate  to  occupy  the  capital  and  to  invade  the 
country.  He  so  strongly  forced  his  decisive  argu- 
ments upon  his  brother  that  a  few  hours  later 
Prince  Peter  was  proclaimed  King  of  Servia. 

He  has  filled  this  difficult  position  with  great  tact 
and  undoubted  political  skill.  Very  soon  Servia  en- 
tered into  a  long  period  of  prosperity,  and  though 
sceptics  used  to  shake  their  heads  and  say  that 
the  unusual  calm  could  not  last  for  an  appreciable 
period,  yet  it  is  certain  that  the  country  began  to 
breathe  more  easily  than  had  been  the  case  for 
many  years. 

The  strength  and  success  of  the  new  reign  and 
the  stability  which  seemed  to  be  in  a  fair  way  to 
become  established  aroused  first  the  astonishment 
and  then  the  uneasiness  of  German  diplomacy,  in 
which  the  German  Emperor  shared.  Nor  was  the 
Teutonic  mind  soothed  by  the  different  reports  re- 
ceived from  Constantinople  in  the  strain  that  ere 
long  Servia  would  secure  the  entire  sympathy  and 
protection  of  Russia.  Out  of  this  new  develop- 
ment it  was  recognised  that  Servia  might  conceiv- 


Peter  I  of  Servia 


PROSPERITY  ATTENDS  THE  REIGN    i8i 

ably  develop  ambitions  in  regard  to  supremacy  in 
the  Balkans,  which  would  end  in  the  overthrow  of 
Ferdinand  of  Bulgaria,  at  that  time  still  the  Prince 
Ferdinand. 

At  this  juncture  Germany  saw  that  it  was  high 
time  to  take  steps  if  she  wished  not  to  abandon  the 
Emperor's  cherished  aim — the  annihilation  of  Rus- 
sian influence  in  the  Near  East.  In  order  to  achieve 
this  desirable  object  it  was  vitally  necessary  to  en- 
list the  co-operation  of  one  of  the  small  Christian 
kingdoms  of  the  peninsula.  William  II.  did  not 
quite  trust  Ferdinand  of  Coburg,  whose  faculty  for 
forgetting  promises  inspired  him  with  deep  mis- 
trust; Roumania  was  already  entirely  German,  or 
at  least  he  supposed  that  she  was ;  Montenegro  was 
but  a  dwarf,  to  which  there  was  no  necessity  to 
pay  the  slightest  attention;  whilst  Greece  could  al- 
ways be  managed,  thanks  to  the  strong  German 
sympathies  of  the  Crown  Prince  and  to  the  influ- 
ence of  the  Crown  Princess  Sophie,  who  was  the 
sister  of  the  Emperor.  Only  Servia  remained.  If 
she  could  be  drawn  into  the  German  Emperor's  po- 
litical constellation  she  might  prove  of  infinite  value 
in  assuring  the  humiliation  of  Russia. 

But  it  was  not  so  easy.  There  were  patriots  in 
Servia  who  were  determined  not  to  allow  her  to  be 
launched  on  dangerous  seas,  and  who,  moreover, 
were  popular  all  over  the  country.  Among  them 
was  M.  Pashitch,  of  whom  I  have  already  spoken, 
a  wise,  experienced,  clear-headed  politician,  who 
looked  beyond  the  success  of  the  moment,  and  who 


i82  THE  NEAR  EAST  FROM  WITHIN 

was  the  leader  of  the  progressive  and  loyal  party 
in  Servia.  Associated  with  M.  Pashitch  was  M. 
Guentchitch  and  a  few  other  sincere  lovers  of  their 
country.  They  advocated  their  views  with  strength 
and  eloquence  before  King  Peter,  and  he  was  wise 
enough  to  follow  their  lead.  Thereby  he  more 
firmly  established  himself  and  his  dynasty  on  the 
throne. 

Very  soon  the  Austrian  Minister  at  the  Court 
of  Belgrade  called  the  attention  of  his  Government 
to  matters  in  Servia  and  certain  developments 
brought  about  by  Servian  influence  in  Bulgaria. 
Serious  alarm  was  caused  among  the  private  coun- 
cils in  Vienna,  and  the  Emperor  William  was  ur- 
gently advised  of  the  course  which  events  were 
taking  at  Belgrade. 

It  soon  became  evident  to  the  few  who  were 
acquainted  with  the  inner  political  ramifications 
that  trusted  agents  of  Germany  were  at  work,  for 
there  arose  an  exponent  of  the  advantage  which 
Servia  would  gain  from  an  understanding  between 
Vienna,  Berlin,  and  Belgrade  in  the  person  of  the 
Crown  Prince.  The  fact  that  Prince  George 
should  so  opportunely  come  forth  as  the  champion 
of  a  coalition  against  which  his  father  and  the 
more  progressive  statesmen  were  fighting  all  the 
time  was  significant,  as,  too,  it  was  that  Prince 
George  should  at  that  time  suddenly  recover  from 
the  pecuniary  embarrassments  which  had  long  be- 
set him.  Things  had  not  been  smooth  between  the 
Crown  Prince  and  his  father  owing  to  the  warped 


PRINCE  GEORGE  OF  SERVIA        183 

ambitions  of  the  son,  and  because  of  his  social 
eccentricities. 

Prince  George  had  always  been  the  black  sheep 
of  his  family.  Of  an  active  and  boisterous  tem- 
perament, he  had,  ever  since  he  reached  the  years 
of  discretion,  chafed  under  the  strict  discipline  in 
which  he  had  been  brought  up,  and  rebelled  against 
the  strong  hand  with  which  his  father  ruled  his 
family.  At  different  times  the  Crown  Prince  had 
tried  to  induce  the  King  to  initiate  him  into  state- 
craft and  to  grant  him  some  independence  with- 
out his  every  step  being  reported.  The  King,  who 
was  in  perpetual  fear  as  to  what  his  son  might  say 
or  do  next,  refused  to  accede  to  this  desire,  remem- 
bering that  more  than  once  he  had  had  occasion  to 
reprimand  Prince  George  for  his  unseemly  licence 
of  language  and  of  deportment.  King  Peter's  re- 
proofs had  been  received  in  anything  but  a  grateful 
mood,  and  very  soon  the  Crown  Prince  set  himself 
up  in  direct  opposition  to  his  father,  and  began  to 
gather  round  him  a  group  of  friends  determined 
to  support  him  in  any  antagonism  he  might  adopt 
to  annoy  the  Sovereign  and  his  advisers. 

At  a  moment  when  this  state  of  things  became 
acute  the  Crown  Prince  was  approached  by  an 
agent,  who  gave  him  to  understand  that  in  case  of 
a  coup  d'etat  of  some  sort  he  might  count  on  the 
protection  of  Germany  as  well  as  that  of  Austria. 
The  Crown  Prince  w^as  at  first  flattered  though  sur- 
prised, then  slightly  alarmed,  and  it  was  whilst  un- 
der the  apprehension  caused  by  that  last  mentioned 


i84  THE  NEAR  EAST  FROM  WITHIN 

feeling  that  he  opened  his  heart  to  one  of  his 
friends,  who  happened  at  the  same  time  also  to  be 
a  friend  of  M.  Pashitch.  The  Ministry,  naturally, 
quickly  learned  that  the  Crown  Prince  was  medi- 
tating a  revolt  against  the  authority  of  his  father, 
and  that  he  planned  to  have  Peter  locked  up  in  a 
fortress  whilst  he  himself  was  proclaimed  King  of 
Servia.  M.  Pashitch  was  thunderstruck,  but  at  the 
same  time  wise  enough  to  see  that  however  plausi- 
ble, it  might  be  untrue,  and  even  if  it  were  every 
bit  as  serious  as  it  was  made  out,  he  could  not  make 
any  use  of  the  information,  as  at  that  time  he  did 
not  possess  a  shred  of  proof  justifying  an  accusa- 
tion of  conspiracy  against  the  heir  to  the  throne. 
In  this  perplexity  he  had  recourse  to  the  ability  of 
a  friend  who  more  than  once  had  risen  to  the  needs 
of  an  occasion. 

The  Grown  Prince  in  his  frequent  quarrels  with 
his  father  had  always  threatened  to  resign  his 
rights  to  the  crown  and  to  transfer  them  to  his 
brother  Prince  Alexander,  a  dashing,  clever,  ener- 
getic young  fellow,  who  favoured  Russian  interests 
and  hated  Prince  Ferdinand  of  Bulgaria.  He  had 
always  been  his  father's  favourite,  and  his  relations 
with  the  Crown  Prince,  though  very  affectionate, 
had  not  been  altogether  smooth.  According  to  the 
ideas  of  the  particular  group  of  political  men  rep- 
resented by  M.  Pashitch,  he  would  make  an  ideal 
ruler  to  follow  his  father  when  in  the  course  of 
nature  the  throne  should  be  vacant.    This  fact  led 


Prince  George  of  Servia 


THE  CROWN  PRINCE  IS  RESTIVE    185 

to  the  conception  of  the  idea  of  putting  him  in  his 
elder  brother's  place. 

The  proposal,  however,  would  not  be  easy  to 
carry  out,  considering  that,  in  spite  of  his  many 
extravagances.  Prince  George  had  done  nothing 
provable  that  would  have  warranted  such  a  grave 
measure  as  dispossessing  him  of  his  rights.  The 
alternative,  therefore,  was  to  induce  Prince  George 
to  do  it  willingly.  The  Prince  fell  into  the  snare 
one  day  when  he  happened  to  be  in  a  particularly 
bad  temper,  and  was,  moreover,  enlivened  by  cham- 
pagne. He  declared  with  violent  emphasis  that  he 
was  tired  of  being  treated  as  a  child,  and  called  for 
paper  and  ink  to  be  brought  to  him.  He  was  go- 
ing, he  said,  to  write  at  once  to  his  father  and  to 
the  Skupstchina,  throwing  over  his  reversion  to  the 
crown ;  that,  he  boasted,  would  soon  bring  his  father 
to  his  senses.  Pen  and  paper  together  with  the 
necessary  ink  were,  of  course,  speedily  forthcom- 
ing, and  he  vaingloriously  signed  his  name  to  docu- 
ments whereby  he  became  a  private  individual,  and 
an  impecunious  one  at  that.  The  latter  deficiency 
was,  however,  removed,  because  the  King  insisted 
on  the  debts  of  Prince  George  being  paid  and  on 
his  being  granted  a  large  allowance. 

Later  on,  when  the  excitement  of  the  first  mo- 
ment was  over.  Prince  George  bitterly  repented  the 
hastiness  which  had  made  him  yield  to  the  advice 
of  interested  people.  When  he  attempted  to  say 
something  of  the  kind,  he  was  told  that  there  was 
no  going  back  on  a  resolution  which  had  already 


i86  THE  NEAR  EAST  FROM  WITHIN 

been  made  public,  and  that  he  must  resign  himself 
to  the  inevitable.  He  took  the  thing  in  better  part 
than  could  have  been  expected,  and,  forgetting  the 
ambitious  dreams  which  he  had  nursed,  accepted  his 
new  position  with  enough  good  humour  and  phi- 
losophy to  make  the  world  believe  that  he  had  really 
desired  to  be  free. 

After  the  renunciation  of  Prince  George  matters 
became  at  once  easier  for  the  partisans  of  Russia. 
Prince  Alexander  submitted  readily  to  the  advice 
of  M.  Pashitch;  and  when  later  the  only  daughter 
of  King  Peter  married  a  member  of  the  Russian 
Imperial  family,  it  seemed  that  nothing  was  going 
to  prevent  the  conclusion  of  an  offensive  and  de- 
fensive alliance  between  the  Romanoffs  and  the 
dynasty  of  Karageorgevitch. 

The  Emperor  William,  however,  was  not  alto- 
gether so  pleased  as  people  were  in  Servia.  He 
saw  once  more  his  cherished  plan  crumbling  to  the 
ground,  and  the  possibility  of  a  strong  Slav  king- 
dom establishing  itself,  with  the  help  and  under  the 
protection  of  Russia,  in  opposition  to  weak,  tot- 
tering Turkey  and  in  rivalry  to  the  new  Bulgarian 
monarchy.  It  became  necessary,  therefore,  to  press 
certain  events,  the  inner  purport  of  which  I  knew, 
and  which,  personally,  I  considered  to  be  unwise 
on  broad  lines  of  statesmanship.  Yet,  as  ever,  the 
German  Emperor  compelled  those  who  thought  as 
I  did  to  remain  silent,  and  he  sought  to  compel 
Servia  to  declare  itself  in  favour  either  of  Austria 
or  of  Russia,  so  as  to  be  sure  of  her  attitude  in 


ALEXANDER  AS  CROWN  PRINCE    187 

future  eventualities.  Concurrently,  William  II. 
threw  himself  resolutely  into  an  anti-Russian  policy, 
and  used  all  the  means  at  his  disposal  to  persuade 
the  Sultan,  and  especially  Enver  Pasha,  that  the 
time  had  come  when  Turkey  ought  to  avenge  her- 
self for  her  past  defeats  and  shake  off  influences 
which  had  long  restricted  her  actions. 

When  the  threats  of  a  war  in  the  Balkans  shook 
the  equanimity  of  Europe,  the  Emperor,  instead 
of  advising  Turkey  to  yield,  encouraged  her  in  her 
ideas  of  resistance,  and  concurrently  excited  both 
Servia  and  Bulgaria  against  the  Turkish  Empire. 
Whilst  the  Berlin  Cabinet  was  continually  repeat- 
ing that  it  wished  for  peace,  and  that  peace  ought 
to  be  imposed  on  the  belligerent  parties,  I  know 
from  my  own  observation  and  the  hints  given  here 
and  there  that  the  Emperor  personally  was  advis- 
ing the  Belgrade  and  the  Sofia  Cabinets  not  to  re- 
nounce one  iota  of  their  pretensions,  and  at  the 
same  time  insisting  on  the  Sultan  refusing  any  com- 
promise. 

As  we  know,  the  war  broke  out,  and  was  followed 
by  a  campaign  in  which  Bulgaria  fought  against 
Servia  and  Greece.  During  its  course  King  George 
of  Greece  was  murdered  at  Salonika,  and  Austria 
began  showing  her  cards,  allowing  the  world  to 
guess  that  she  did  not  mean  to  let  Servia  have  it 
all  her  own  way,  and  that,  whatever  happened,  she 
would  stand  by  her  faithful  friend  Prince  Ferdi- 
nand of  Coburg. 

In  Servia  M.  Pashitch  was  never  idle  for  a  mo- 


i88  THE  NEAR  EAST  FROM  WITHIN 

ment.  He  saw  that  the  moment  had  come  when 
the  basis  of  an  alliance  between  Russia  and  the  Bal- 
kan States  might  be  discussed.  He  sent  his  friend 
M.  Guentchitch  to  Petersburg,  where  he  remained 
five  months,  seeing  Ministers  and  important  politi- 
cal men,  and  working  steadfastly  for  the  cause  of 
Servia.  His  perfect  knowledge  of  the  Russian  lan- 
guage and  his  experience  in  politics  were  of  extreme 
use  to  him,  while  thanks  to  his  efforts,  which  in- 
cluded numerous  contributions  to  different  Russian 
newspapers,  he  soon  succeeded  in  winning  a  wide- 
spread and  practical  sympathy  for  his  country. 

His  efforts  were  seconded  in  Belgrade  by  the 
Russian  Minister  there,  M.  Hartwig,  one  of  the 
cleverest,  ablest  diplomats  that  Russia  has  ever  pos- 
sessed. M.  Hartwig  knew  the  East  through  and 
through,  having  been  for  something  like  ten  years 
under  the  orders  of  Count  Ignatieff  during  the  lat- 
ter's  tenure  of  the  Constantinople  Embassy.  He 
hated  Austria,  and  always  declared  that  until  the 
Tsar  had  annihilated  her  as  a  dangerous  and  in- 
triguing foe  Russia  would  never  be  able  to  develop 
her  vast  resources  in  peace.  He  worked  with  all 
his  might  to  secure  a  Russo-Servian  alliance  as  a 
precaution  against  the  storm  which  he  repeatedly 
warned  his  Government  was  brewing  in  the  dis- 
tance. It  was  his  firm  belief  that  the  world  had 
reached  such  a  state  of  complexity  that  nothing 
short  of  a  bloody  conflict  could  make  things 
straight. 

M.   Hartwig  understood  better  than  most  the 


Crown  Prince  Alexander  of  Servia 


KING  PETER  IN  PETERSBURG      189 

subtleties  and  sophisms  which  guided  policy  in  the 
Near  East,  and  to  counteract  the  effects  of  Aus- 
trian duplicity  and  German  intrigues  he  would  have 
liked  his  country  to  stand  out  boldly  and  pose  as 
the  champion  of  the  Slav.  He  laid  the  basis  of 
an  understanding,  the  details  of  which  were  rati- 
fied by  King  Peter  when  he  visited  Petersburg  dur- 
ing the  course  of  last  spring. 

When  the  peace  of  Bucharest  had  been  signed, 
people  began  to  breathe  freely  once  more,  and  to 
indulge  in  hopes  that  the  everlasting  Eastern  Ques- 
tion would  at  last  be  allowed  to  disappear  for  some 
time  from  the  political  horizon.  Austria  seemed 
to  have  become  reconciled  to  the  inevitable;  Ferdi- 
nand of  Bulgaria  appeared  intent  upon  repairing 
the  havoc  produced  in  Bulgaria  by  the  last  war; 
Turkey  had  won  back  Adrianople,  and  seemed  quite 
content  with  a  piece  of  good  luck  which  she  had 
had  no  right  to  expect.  All  seemed  fair  for  peace, 
but  it  was  only  in  seeming;  the  everlasting  un- 
known quantity  was  still  at  work,  biding  its  time 
to  engulf  men  and  nations  in  a  bloody  eruption. 


CHAPTER  XVII 


A   RUSSIAN  S   OPINION 


MHARTWIG,  whom  I  have  mentioned 
in  the  previous  chapter,  was  certainly 
•  one  of  the  ablest  diplomats  Russia  ever 
sent  abroad  to  watch  over  her  interests,  owing 
largely  to  his  remarkable  sense  of  intuition. 
Though  I  knew  him  very  well  and  was  in  constant 
intercourse  with  him  to  within  a  day  or  two  of  his 
death,  I  never  could  quite  make  out  the  extreme 
rapidity  with  which  he  came  to  conclusions  and — 
sometimes  before  anyone  else  had  had  time  to  re- 
alise that  a  thing  had  really  happened — prophesied 
with  an  accuracy  that  seldom  was  proved  wrong 
what  would  follow  upon  it.  He  was  an  ardent 
patriot,  and  though  he  longed  for  Russian  para- 
mountcy  on  the  Bosphorus,  he  was  not  a  fanatical 
Slavophil.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  he  did  not  care  for 
Bulgarians  or  Servians;  what  he  wanted  was  that 
Russia  should  acquire  an  undisputed  influence  in 
the  Balkan  Peninsula.  He  believed  firmly  in  the 
mission  of  Russia,  felt  convinced  that  her  destiny 
lay  in  Constantinople,  and  that  she  was  bound 
sooner  or  later  to  get  there.  He  wished  it  might 
be  sooner.  His  bete  noire  was  Austria;  he  firmly 
believed  that  she  represented  the  most  disquieting 

190 


M.  HARTWIG  AND  WILLIAM  II.     191 

element  in  Europe,  and  that  it  would  be  her  diplo- 
macy which  would  entangle  Russia  in  a  war  in 
which  it  was  most  certain  that  Germany  would  in- 
terfere. M.  Hartwig  had  spent  some  years  in 
Buda-Pesth,  and  had  used  the  opportunity  which 
was  thus  afforded  him  to  study  with  the  utmost 
care  and  attention  the  political  men  and  the  mili- 
tary preparations  which  were  being  made  in  Aus- 
tria. He  distrusted  profoundly  the  various  states- 
men who  controlled  the  Austro-Hungarian  mon- 
archy. He  knew  that  these  men,  blinded  as  they 
were  by  excessive  vanity,  would  not  hesitate  under 
certain  circumstances  to  resort  to  subterfuge  of  the 
grossest  kind  in  order  to  prevent  friends  of  the  day 
before  realising  the  nature  of  the  attacks  which 
were  being  prepared  against  them. 

M.  Hartwig  had  continually  warned  his  Govern- 
ment that  something  was  being  premeditated 
against  Russia  by  the  two  allied  countries  of  Ger- 
many and  Austria.  His  intuition  caused  him  to 
suspect  that  the  suddenly  aggressive  policy  of  the 
Austrian  Cabinet  in  regard  to  the  Slav  movement 
in  general  was  the  advance  guard  of  a  stronger 
determination.  M.  Hartwig  never  concealed  his 
belief  that  the  underlying  motive  was  the  determi- 
nation of  the  Emperor  William  to  destroy  the  two 
Powers — Russia  and  England — which  in  his  eyes 
represented  the  principal  obstacles  to  German  ex- 
pansion. 

One  reason  for  the  uncanny  foresight  of  M. 
Hartwig  may  have  been  his  profound  knowledge 


192   THE  NEAR  EAST  FROM  WITHIN 

of  the  doings  of  the  German  Emperor.  The  fact 
that  he  was  so  strong  in  his  beHef  that  William  II. 
was  not  what  he  seemed  may  also  have  tinged  his 
judgments,  for  the  antagonism  amounted  almost 
to  an  obsession.  In  justice  to  M.  Hartwig  it  must 
be  said  that  his  was  not  the  obstinacy  of  a  man  argu- 
ing on  nebulous  superficialities,  but  the  outcome  of 
a  serious  and  a  thorough  study  of  William  II. 
Starting  from  a  well-considered  deduction  that 
upon  the  German  Emperor  alone  depended  the 
peace  of  the  world  and  the  maintenance  of  the 
status  quo  in  Europe,  M.  Hartwig  told  me  that  he 
had  made  a  collection  of  the  Emperor's  various 
speeches  in  the  hope  of  finding  in  them  the  clue  to 
that  complicated  and  mystical  character  who,  as 
M.  Hartwig  put  it,  was  capable  of  an  unlimited 
number  of  good  and  bad  actions ;  who,  though  most 
religious  in  his  words,  was  at  heart  the  greatest 
moral  Nihilist  that  has  ever  existed;  who,  beyond 
his  personal  glories  and  triumphs,  saw  nothing  and 
cared  for  nothing  save  the  material  aggrandise- 
ment of  his  country.  When  all  the  world  had 
praised  the  moderation  of  the  Emperor  and  ad- 
mired his  efforts  in  the  cause  of  peace,  and  when 
it  had  been  even  proposed  to  grant  him  the  Nobel 
Prize,  M.  Hartwig  was  unmoved;  he  protested, 
indeed,  against  what  he  called  "this  utterly  false 
appreciation  of  the  disposition  of  William  II."  He 
kept  repeating  that  time  would  show  how  durable 
were  the  intentions  of  the  Emperor,  and  that  per- 
sonally he  did  not  trust  them. 


RIVAL  PATRIOTS  193 

We  had  more  than  one  discussion  on  this  subject, 
discussions  which,  as  may  be  expected,  sometimes 
bordered  on  quarrels,  and  during  which  he  persisted 
in  his  opinion.  He  assured  me  that  all  matters 
connected  with  German  armaments,  though  appar- 
ently well  known  everywhere,  were  in  reality  buried 
in  the  most  profound  mystery,  and  that  for  every 
soldier  and  for  every  gun  openly  avowed  there  were 
tV\^o  or  three  about  which  the  world  at  large  knew 
nothing  at  all. 

"Germany  is  a  vast  camp,"  he  told  me  once  when 
I  passed  through  Belgrade  on  my  return  from  a 
journey  to  Sofia  about  which  I  shall  speak  pres- 
ently, "and  most  likely  it  is  a  fortified  camp  into 
the  bargain.  Its  storming  will  require  the  most 
tremendous  sacrifices,  and  God  knows  whether  even 
these  will  prove  sufficient.  One  does  not  with  im- 
punity train  a  nation  for  forty-five  years  in  mili- 
tarism without  war  breaking  out  one  day.  When 
the  fruit  is  ripe  it  is  bound  to  drop  from  the  tree. 
You  believe  Germany  to  be  pacific,  in  which  I  do 
not  blame  you,  because  a  man  must  have  faith  in 
his  own  country;  but  Germany  is  hypnotised.  A 
kind  of  exasperation  of  public  opinion  has  sys- 
tematically taken  place  in  your  country,  with  the 
result  that  she  is  quite  persuaded  that  war  will  be 
declared  upon  her  one  of  these  days,  and  so  needs 
ever  to  be  ready.  The  German  people  are  pacific 
by  nature,  I  know  it  well,  but  Germany  is  far  from 
being  pacific ;  there  lies  the  whole  difference.  And 
this  difiference,  you  will  see,  will  bring  catastrophe." 


194   THE  NEAR  EAST  FROM  WITHIN 

*'I  cannot  believe  you,"  was  my  reply.  "I  know 
my  country  also.  I  am  bound  to  understand  her 
feelings  better  than  you  who  are  a  foreigner,  and 
I  assure  you  that  not  one  of  my  compatriots  desires 
a  war,  especially  a  war  with  you." 

"Can  you  guarantee  me  the  feelings  of  your 
Emperor  on  that  subject?"  asked  M.  Hartwig. 

I  stopped  for  a  moment,  rather  at  the  remem- 
brance of  M.  Hartwig's  obsession  than  to  consider 
a  reply,  and  whilst  I  was  thus  hesitating  he  re- 
marked in  that  quick  manner  of  his  which  was  so 
impressive: 

"No,  you  cannot.  When  you  come  to  think  about 
it  seriously  you  are  not  at  all  sure  that  the  Emperor 
w^ants  to  preserve  peace  in  Europe." 

"It  is  you  who  are  mistaken,"  I  replied  with  heat. 
"I  have  no  doubt  in  my  mind  as  to  the  desire  of 
the  Emperor  to  avoid  a  war.  What  made  me  pause 
a  little  was  that  I  cannot  help  thinking  that  you  are 
prejudiced." 

"No;  I  am  not  prejudiced,"  said  M.  Hartwig.  "I 
should  be  a  very  bad  servant  of  my  country  if  I 
allowed  prejudice  to  rule  my  judgment.  I  only 
see  clearly  what  others  will  not  look  upon.  Ger- 
many must  expand,  must  look  about  for  new  fields 
for  the  activity  of  her  children.  W^ar  is  the  nec- 
essary outlet.  Her  navy  has  now  some  chance  of 
success,  and  the  army  is  being  prepared.  The  day 
it  is  ready  your  Emperor  will  put  the  match  to 
the  fire." 

"Surely  you  exaggerate,  or  else  you  are  under  a 


DEATH  OF  M.  HARTWIG  195 

bad  influence  this  evening,"  I  remarked.  "It  is 
idle  and  unjust  to  believe  such  things  of  a  ruler 
whose  words  tell  such  a  different  tale." 

"Ah,  well,"  replied  M.  Hartwig  with  a  shrug  of 
the  shoulders,  "you  will  think  one  day  of  this  con- 
versation. Perhaps  I  shall  be  dead,  but  you  will 
remember  how  I  prophesied  to  you  that  we  trem- 
ble to-day  on  the  brink  of  great  events,  and  how  I 
said  that  Germany  as  she  stands  to-day  is  a  danger 
not  only  to  the  peace,  but  also  to  the  civilisation 
of  the  world." 

M.  Hartwig  did  not  finish  with  that  remark. 

"You  may  ask  me,"  he  continued,  "what  makes 
me  take  such  a  gloomy  view  of  the  situation,  but 
here  in  Belgrade,  as  all  over  the  Balkan  Peninsula, 
we  see  things  perhaps  more  clearly  than  anywhere 
else.  We  all  know  that  the  slightest  incident  in 
these  regions  may  bring  about  events  of  unusual 
magnitude,  and  recently  the  intrigues  of  Germany 
among  the  Slav  populations  of  this  country  have 
assumed  quite  threatening  proportions,  as  I  have 
had  the  opportunity  to  see  for  myself." 

"But  why?"  I  asked. 

"Because,"  came  the  immediate  reply,  "Germany 
covets  the  Suez  Canal  and  wants,  too,  to  march 
eastward.  She  can  only  do  so  either  by  the  help 
of  Turkey  and  the  connivance  of  Balkania,  or  by 
crushing  both,  and  this  latter  by  the  indirect  means 
of  Turkey  and  the  Balkan  States  taking  arms 
against  each  other.     Any  Balkan  conflict,  all  Eu- 


196   THE  NEAR  EAST  FROM  WITHIN 

rope  knows,  will  involve  Russia ;  it  is  that  for  which 
your  Emperor  is  waiting." 

"But  your  suspicions  cannot  be  correct,"  I  said. 
"William  II.  has  always  done  all  that  he  could  to 
maintain  peace.  There  is  absolutely  no  ground  for 
your  assertion  that  the  Emperor  has  changed  so 
utterly." 

"You  forget  one  thing,"  said  M.  Hartwig.  "You 
forget  the  relations  which  now  exist  between  the 
Emperor  and  the  Crown  Prince.  Remember  that 
and  you  have  the  key  to  many  a  riddle  which  will 
yet  puzzle  the  world.  So  long  as  the  Emperor 
was  sole  master  of  the  situation  he  could  still  be 
relied  upon  to  a  certain  extent;  but  now  that  he 
sees  that  his  son  has  won  for  himself  a  considera- 
ble amount  of  popularity  among  the  military  party 
he  finds  his  hand  forced,  and  inevitably  he  will  be 
obliged  to  make  war.  The  friends  of  the  Crown 
Prince  are  accusing  the  Sovereign  of  cowardice, 
and  already  say  that  he  is  afraid  of  a  war." 

I  jumped  up  on  hearing  this  remark,  vividly  re- 
calling the  words  which  a  few  weeks  before  had 
been  used  by  the  King  of  Roumania.  This  similar- 
ity of  opinion  in  two  men  so  opposed  to  each  other, 
and  each  in  his  way  so  remarkable,  impressed  me 
deeply. 

I  left  Belgrade  the  next  day,  and  never  saw  M. 
Hartwig  again.  He  died  quite  suddenly  a  few 
weeks  later,  died  in  the  house  of  his  Austrian  col- 
league with  whom  he  had  been  discussing  several 
important  political  questions. 


THE  DEATH  OF  M.  HARTWIG        197 

Many  dark  rumours  were  put  into  circulation 
concerning  his  unexpected  and  tragic  end.  M. 
Hartwig  was  certainly  a  man  who  saw  things  with 
a  much  clearer  vision  than  the  majority  of  people, 
and  his  death  at  the  very  moment  when  his  serv- 
ices might  have  been  of  inestimable  value  to  his 
country  added  to  the  difficulties  of  the  time.  His 
vast  knowledge  of  Eastern  affairs,  his  experience 
of  politics  in  general,  and  his  strong  sympathies  for 
the  English  alliance,  which  were  the  more  curi- 
ous that  he  had  never  cared  for  England  as  a  na- 
tion, would  have  been  most  useful  to  M.  Sazonov. 
Fate  interfered,  and  when  he  died  Germany  lost 
an  adversary  who  was  the  more  dangerous  in  that 
he  never  allowed  himself  to  be  carried  away  by  pas- 
sion, but  judged  of  things  and  worked  at  them  with 
the  utmost  coolness  and  presence  of  mind. 


CHAPTER  XVIII 

RIVAL  INFLUENCES  IN  GREECE 

FEW  of  the  nations  of  the  Near  East  have 
been  free  from  the  overtures  of  German 
diplomacy,  and  Greece  is  no  exception. 
Owing  to  certain  circumstances  hereinafter  made 
plain,  Athens  seemed  to  give  promise  of  fruit  in 
the  shape  of  a  definite  and  practical  friendliness 
between  the  Court  of  Greece  and  that  of  William  II. 
How  diplomacy  fared,  and  to  what  extent  the  per- 
sonal feelings  of  members  of  the  Royal  Family  of 
Greece  entered  into  the  relationship  between  their 
country  and  the  German  Empire,  forms  a  significant 
page  of  European  history. 

In  certain  other  directions  in  Mid-Europe  the 
net  result  of  sedulous  diplomatic  courting  on  the 
part  of  Berlin  was  a  harvest  of  uncertainties  and 
failures.  Even  where  inducements  had  been  pic- 
tured in  alluring  colours,  and  a  measure  of  response 
had  been  felt,  the  proneness  of  Balkan  politicians 
to  consider  expediency  a  first  law  made  even  the 
most  solemn  assurances  unstable,  and  nothing  short 
of  a  definitely  ratified  alliance  was  worth  trusting. 
Of  such  words  of  the  wind  William  II.  was  get- 
ting weary — Servia  flouted  him;  Roumania  dallied 
with  him ;  in  Turkey,  though  he  felt  more  sure,  yet 

198 


MARRIAGE  OF  PRINCE  CONSTANTIN     199 

he  recognised  the  ruling  passion  for  craft  might 
undermine  his  position  at  any  time;  Bulgaria 
seemed  a  land  of  promise,  but  her  ambitions  were 
inimical  to  Turkey,  and  thus  stultified  the  effect 
of  diplomatic  overtures  if  Turkey  were  to  be  kept 
friendly. 

The  Balkan  problem  became  more  intricate  for 
Germany  every  year,  and  knowing  as  much  as  I 
do  of  the  inner  workings  of  political  dealings  in 
the  Near  East,  it  was  forced  upon  me,  in  the  face 
of  the  situation  as  presented  above,  that  perilous 
times  were  ahead,  and  something  more  tangible 
must  be  secured  in  the  way  of  an  understanding 
with  one  of  the  Balkan  League  to  enable  Germany 
to  emerge  without  damaged  prestige  from  the  net- 
work which  had  been  woven  during  the  last  quarter 
of  a  century. 

The  fact  that  William  II.  was  bound  by  ties  of 
relationship  to  the  reigning  house  of  Greece  led  him 
to  direct  the  course  of  diplomacy  to  a  friendly  un- 
derstanding. It  was  true  that  King  George  of 
Greece  had  been  a  Dane,  and  therefore  hostile  in 
spirit  to  German  expansion,  but  on  the  other  hand  a 
certain  friendliness  existed  between  the  two  rulers. 
The  King  of  the  Hellenes,  indeed,  had  sent  his 
eldest  son  to  be  educated  and  trained  at  a  German 
military  school,  a  period  which  came  within  the 
lifetime  of  the  Emperor  William  I.  From  the 
academy  the  young  Prince  had  become  attached  to 
a  Prussian  regiment  of  the  Guards,  and  whilst  he 
was  drilling  his  soldiers  on  the  exercise  ground 


200  THE  NEAR  EAST  FROM  WITHIN 

at  Potsdam  the  heir  to  the  Greek  throne  met  and 
fell  in  love  with  pretty  Princess  Sophie,  the  second 
youngest  daughter  of  the  then  Crown  Prince,  and 
of  his  consort  the  Princess  Victoria.  His  affec- 
tion was  reciprocated,  and  though  the  father  of  the 
young  lady,  the  Emperor  Frederick  III.,  died 
before  the  engagement  of  the  lovers  could  be 
announced,  the  course  of  their  affection  ran 
smoothly,  and  they  were  married  at  Athens  about 
a  year  after  the  death  of  the  Emperor,  rather  to 
the  dismay  of  Queen  Olga  of  Greece,  who  did  not 
like  the  idea  of  having  a  Protestant  for  her  daugh- 
ter-in-law. This  difficulty,  however,  was  easily  sur- 
mounted when  the  new  Crown  Princess,  a  few 
months  after  her  marriage,  entered  the  Greek 
Church,  a  proceeding  which  led  to  a  quarrel  be- 
tween her  and  her  elder  brother,  William  II.  For 
many  years  brother  and  sister  did  not  meet,  and  it 
was  only  at  the  death-bed  of  their  mother,  the  Em- 
press Frederick,  that  a  reconciliation  between  them 
took  place;  even  then  it  lacked  sincerity. 

The  Princess  Sophie  did  not  trouble  very  much 
about  this  estrangement.  She  is  a  very  clever 
woman,  gifted  with  singular  discernment,  who  has 
all  the  ambition  of  her  mother,  and  certainly  more 
tact.  During  the  war  which  Greece  fought  with 
Turkey  in  the  latter  years  of  the  last  century  she 
was  the  only  member  of  the  Royal  Family  who  had 
the  courage  to  say  that  it  was  bound  to  end  in  dis- 
aster, and  the  only  person  who  urged  the  King, 
her  father-in-law,  to  conclude  peace  before  his  army 


CONSTANTIN  I  OF  GREECE 


KING  GEORGE  OF  GREECE         201 

had  been  entirely  annihilated.  This  at  first  made 
her  many  enemies,  and  as  the  Crown  Prince  was 
held  responsible  for  the  defeat  of  the  Greek  army, 
he  had  perforce  to  leave  his  native  shores  for  a 
considerable  time,  together  with  his  family.  It  was 
during  his  compulsory  retirement  at  Cronberg,  the 
castle  which  the  Empress  Frederick  had  built  in  the 
Taunus  Mountains,  that  the  German  Emperor  be- 
gan to  plant  the  first  seeds  of  the  intimacy  which 
was  soon  to  reunite  him  to  his  sister  and  brother- 
in-law. 

Prince  Constantin  was  at  that  time  still  a  young 
man.  His  education  had  imbued  him  with  strong 
German  sympathies  and  with  the  desire  to  bring 
German  influence  and  German  parliamentary  prin- 
ciples into  Greece.  He  was  a  fine  fellow,  perhaps 
too  heavy  in  appearance,  but  handsome,  and  of 
pleasant  manners  and  deportment.  He  had  been 
at  one  time  very  unpopular  in  his  own  country, 
and  was  haunted  by  the  desire  to  correct  the  errors 
which  arose  from  his  acceptance  of  the  supreme 
command  of  the  Greek  army  without  having  been 
sufficiently  experienced  for  the  task.  It  was  not 
a  disaster  to  him,  therefore,  when  he  saw  Greece 
entangled  in  another  war,  for  during  its  course  he 
hoped  he  would  be  able  to  win  for  himself  the 
laurels  for  which  he  longed.  That  hope  had  been 
fulfilled,  and  he  believed  that  it  was  mainly  be- 
cause he  had  followed  the  advice  of  his  brother-in- 
law.  But  as  the  military  reputation  of  the  Crown 
Prince  grew,  his  relations  with  his  own  father  be- 


202  THE  NEAR  EAST  FROM  WITHIN 

came  more  and  more  strained  on  account — so,  at 
least,  it  was  whispered — of  strong  political  differ- 
ences which  had  arisen  between  them.  The  King 
was  authoritative  in  his  family  and  ruled  it  with  an 
iron  hand.  In  that  respect  he  had  inherited  the 
character  of  his  parents,  the  late  King  and  Queen 
of  Denmark.  Even  the  Queen,  good  and  sweet  as 
she  was,  failed  to  smooth  over  the  differences  which 
crept  up  continually  and  rendered  life  at  the  Court 
of  Athens  anything  but  pleasant.  King  George, 
who  at  one  time  felt  great  sympathy  with  the  Em- 
peror William  II.,  now  began  to  mistrust  him,  and 
did  not  look  with  favour  upon  his  son's  intimate 
friendship  with  him.  King  George  of  Greece  was 
a  wise  and  a  cautious  man,  a  sovereign  with  ambi- 
tion, tempered,  however,  with  extreme  prudence. 
Owing  in  a  large  measure  to  his  personal  merits, 
added  to  his  long  experience  as  a  monarch,  he  had 
acquired  quite  an  exceptional  position  amidst  the 
other  crowned  heads  of  Europe,  and  his  advice  was 
not  infrequently  sought  in  times  of  difficulty  by  his 
brother  rulers. 

He  had  a  great  abhorrence  for  what  he  called  "a 
policy  based  on  adventure,"  and,  without  having 
been  taken  into  the  confidence  of  the  German  Em- 
peror, he  suspected  him  of  harbouring  certain  sin- 
ister designs  against  two  European  Powers  closely 
allied  to  the  Royal  House  of  Greece,  and  further- 
more feared  that  the  Crown  Prince  had  had  his 
ambitions  fired  through  the  same  agency.  In  con- 
sequence of  an  ancient  prophecy  which  was  popu- 


MURDER  OF  KING  GEORGE         203 

lar  among  the  Greek  population  of  the  Levant,  that 
when  a  King  called  Constantin,  married  to  a  Queen 
called  Sophie,  should  reign  at  Athens  the  Cathedral 
of  St.  Sophia  would  once  more  become  a  Christian 
church,  King  George  had  strong  apprehensions  that 
the  Crown  Prince — at  the  suggestion  of  Germany 
— would  attempt  to  overthrow  the  Sultan  by  force 
of  arms,  and  have  himself  proclaimed  Emperor  of 
Byzance.  His  daughter-in-law,  the  Crown  Prin- 
cess, shared  the  opinion  of  King  George  as  to  the 
foolishness  of  such  visions,  and  she,  too,  would 
have  preferred  that  her  brother,  William  II.,  should 
not  interfere  with  what,  after  all,  did  not  concern 
him.  As  for  Queen  Olga,  though  her  relations 
with  the  King  had  also  become  rather  strained  dur- 
ing the  declining  years  of  the  King's  life,  she  shared 
the  fears  of  her  husband.  The  Crown  Prince  alone 
kept  up  a  regular  correspondence  with  his  brother- 
in-law.  Personally,  from  certain  private  evidence 
which  I  cannot  divulge,  I  am  satisfied  that  Constan- 
tin most  certainly  entered  heart  and  soul  into  the 
plans  of  the  Emperor  William  II.  in  the  direction 
of  Turkey. 

Prince  Constantin,  however,  did  not  remain  for 
long  under  the  influence  of  these  illusions,  but  when 
the  fatal  shot  fired  at  his  father  in  Salonika  had 
raised  him  to  the  throne  of  the  Hellenes,  he  quickly 
discovered  the  impossibility  of  the  stories  which 
he  had  been  told  by  his  brother-in-law.  When  re- 
sponsibility of  government  had  been  thrust  on  him 
he  realised  that  his  first  duty  consisted  in  preserv- 


204  THE  NEAR  EAST  FROM  WITHIN 

ing  the  patrimony  of  his  own  children.  The  indul- 
gence of  the  reader  must  be  asked,  too,  in  regard 
to  an  incident  which  was  currently  believed  by  the 
greater  number  of  the  few  political  agents  who 
learned  of  it.  I  have  no  absolute  proof,  but,  as  I 
say,  it  is  certain  that  something  extraordinary  had 
taken  place  to  cause  the  young  King  so  to  change 
his  attitude,  and  that  ''something"  was  credited  by 
the  few  to  whom  I  refer  as  being  in  the  position 
to  know  to  be  a  strange  letter  which  had  reached 
him  almost  on  the  eve  of  his  father's  murder.  This 
communication  told  him  in  so  many  words  that  a 
great  change  was  impending,  and  that  very  soon  he 
would  be  able  to  show  of  what  stuff  he  was  made. 
In  spite  of  its  impertinent  and  offensive  tone,  this 
cursory  missive  had  a  ring  of  truth  in  it  and  had 
painfully  jarred  on  the  nerves  of  the  then  Crown 
Prince.  Two  days  later  the  King  was  murdered 
in  broad  daylight  in  one  of  the  most  frequented 
streets  of  Salonika. 

Shortly  after  the  death  of  King  George  of 
Greece  I  was  passing  through  Athens,  and  took  oc- 
casion to  call  upon  King  Constantin.  A  reminder 
that  I  had  known  him  in  Berlin  when  he  was  a  boy 
secured  my  admission.  I  found  him  very  little 
changed  on  the  whole,  and  he  received  me  most 
warmly,  talking  about  the  time  when  he  had  been 
in  Berlin  before  his  marriage.  He  asked  me  nu- 
merous questions  concerning  various  of  his  friends 
of  those  early  days,  and  seemed  interested  to  learn 
that  most  of  them  were  still  alive  and  well.    Then 


George  I  of  Greece 


MURDER  OF  KING  GEORGE         205 

the  conversation  turned  on  recent  events,  especially 
on  the  assassination  of  the  Archduke  Franz  Ferdi- 
nand and  his  consort.  To  my  surprise  the  King 
did  not  accept  my  remark  that  the  murderer  was 
a  Servian,  who  had  been  actuated  simply  by  a  blind 
hatred  of  Austria  and  of  her  future  Emperor,  On 
the  contrary,  he  remarked  that  the  existence  of  such 
a  plot  had  been  proved  in  quite  an  irrefutable 
manner.  How,  he  did  not  enlighten  me,  but  con- 
tented himself  by  remarking:  "I  don't  like  saying 
too  much,  and  I  have  not  seen  the  men  who  awaited 
the  arrival  of  the  automobile  in  which  the  Arch- 
duke rode,  but  I  feel  certain  that  there  exists  a 
link  between  them  and  the  misguided  Greek  who 
fired  at  my  poor  father.  More  than  that,  I  would 
not  be  surprised  to  find  that  the  same  person  was 
initially  responsible  for  both  crimes." 

This  assertion  of  the  young  King  struck  me  as 
absolutely  uncanny.  Who,  I  asked  myself,  could 
have  an  interest  in  the  murder  of  these  people?  To 
whom  did  they  constitute  an  obstacle? 

I  could  find  no  reply. 


CHAPTER  XIX 

THE  FAILURE  OF   GERMAN    INTRIGUE   IN 
MONTENEGRO 

THE  aged  King  Nicholas  of  Montenegro 
has  never  looked  leniently  upon  German 
intrigue,  despite  strong  inducements.  Not 
even  would  he  consent  to  promise  an  attitude  of 
neutrality — he  refused  to  be  tied  by  a  single  thread 
which  might  hamper  his  independence.  The  influ- 
ence exercised  by  the  aged  King  over  the  Slav  races 
was  in  itself  an  important  factor  in  all  matters 
connected  with  the  development  of  that  great  Slav 
Empire  about  which  so  many  people  had  dreamed 
in  Russia  as  well  as  all  over  the  world.  On  the 
other  hand,  Germany  had  long  cherished  the  desire 
to  stand  forth  as  the  protector  of  the  Slavs,  either 
on  her  own  account  or  indirectly  through  Austria. 
The  Emperor  William  knew  that  under  existing 
conditions  the  other  Powers  would  not  allow  him 
to  exercise  dominance  in  the  Balkans,  and  he  soon 
found  out  that  Austria  was  not  strong  enough  to 
be  able  to  dictate  to  the  Balkan  States.  It  there- 
fore became  desirable  to  win  over  one  or  other  of 
the  small  Sovereigns  whom  perpetual  rivalries 
made  eager  to  attain  a  position  whence  they  could 
afiford  to  do  without  their  neighbours.     From  this 

206 


A  SKETCH  OF  NICHOLAS  I.         207 

standpoint  German  diplomacy  had  its  attention 
focused  upon  Montenegro  for  a  long.  time.  The 
German  Emperor  knew  very  well  that  King  Nich- 
olas was  devoted  to  Russia,  and  moreover  that,  with 
two  of  his  daughters  married  to  Russian  Grand 
Dukes,  it  was  but  natural  he  should  support  to  the 
extent  of  his  limited  resources  the  Russian  cause 
in  Constantinople.  To  counterbalance  these  sym- 
pathies of  Nicholas  I.,  German  agents  sought  to 
capture  the  interest  of  the  Crown  Prince  Danilo, 
who,  because  he  had  spent  some  time  in  Germany 
on  various  occasions,  was  supposed  to  nurse  a  great 
admiration  for  German  ways  in  general  and  the 
German  army  in  particular.  Whenever  Prince 
Danilo  visited  Berlin  the  Emperor  William  always 
invited  him  to  dinner  or  to  lunch,  and  treated  him 
with  particular  friendliness.  He  even  went  so  far 
as  to  find  him  a  wife,  and  it  was  through  his  direct 
influence  and  co-operation  that  the  marriage  of  the 
heir  to  the  Montenegrin  throne  with  the  Duchess 
Jutta  of  Mecklenburg-Strelitz  was  arranged. 
Duchess  Jutta  was  clever,  and  she  made  herself 
liked  in  her  new  country,  and  probably  would  have 
become  popular  had  she  only  given  her  husband 
an  heir,  but  her  marriage  remained  childless. 

With  the  arrival  of  Duchess  Jutta  at  Cetinje  in- 
trigue entered  the  life  of  the  Court  and  proved  a 
source  of  much  anxiety  to  those  who,  from  behind 
the  scenes,  watched  the  development  of  the  plots. 
In  order  more  fully  to  understand  these  intrigues 
it  will  be  helpful  to  look  into  the  reign  of  Nich- 


208  THE  NEAR  EAST  FROM  WITHIN 

olas  I.  of  Montenegro  and  to  note  the  success  of  his 
long  kingship. 

The  King  is  certainly  an  exceedingly  clever  sov- 
ereign. He  transformed  a  strip  of  land  into  a  king- 
dom which,  small  as  it  is,  commands  general  re- 
spect, partly  through  its  geographical  position,  and 
partly  through  the  personality  of  its  ruler.  At  the 
time  he  was  elected  Prince  a  good  many  people 
looked  upon  the  Montenegrins  as  an  almost  savage 
tribe.  Since  that  day  Montenegro  has  won  for  it- 
self name  and  fame  through  the  heroic  conduct  of 
its  children  during  the  continual  wars  with  Tur- 
key in  which  it  took  such  a  prominent  part.  After 
the  campaign  of  1877  Montenegro  became  the  ob- 
ject of  flattery  on  the  part  of  Turkey,  who  saw  in 
her  an  obstacle  to  Servian  ambitions,  as  well  as  a 
country  whose  progress  might  checkmate  the  ambi- 
tions of  Bulgaria,  which  was  then  beginning  its 
career  as  an  independent  State.  Prince  Nicholas 
was  a  man  in  the  prime  of  life,  with  a  splendid 
physique  and  a  prepossessing  appearance.  He  had 
won  for  himself  the  reputation  of  being  a  faithful 
friend  and  a  loyal  adversary,  and  had  contrived 
to  appeal  to  the  feelings  and  to  the  sympathies  of 
the  Tsar  Alexander  III.,  who  once  had  gone  so 
far  as  to  declare  publicly  that  he  considered  him 
as  the  only  true  and  sincere  friend  that  Russia 
possessed.  The  words  made  a  great  stir  at  the  time, 
but  they  gave  to  Prince  Nicholas  a  very  strong  po- 
sition in  the  Balkans,  where  one  grew  very  quickly 
to  consider  him  as  the  depository  of  the  political 


ROYAL  MATCHMAKING  209 

secrets  of  Russia  and  of  her  plans  concerning  the 
future  of  the  Slav  cause  in  Europe.  He  was  clever 
enough  to  make  the  most,  and  perhaps  even  more 
than  was  necessary,  of  the  legend  that,  in  conse- 
quence, gradually  arose  around  his  name;  and  as 
a  good  father,  careful  of  the  future  of  his  numer- 
ous family,  he  applied  himself  to  the  task  of  finding 
suitable  husbands  for  his  six  daughters,  all  of  whom 
were  educated  in  Petersburg  at  the  Convent  of 
Smolna,  an  establishment  under  the  immediate  pro- 
tection of  the  Empress.  The  young  ladies  remained 
at  the  convent  for  a  year  or  two  after  their  edu- 
cation had  been  completed,  and  went  out  a  good 
deal  into  society,  where  they  soon  made  themselves 
extremely  popular.  The  eldest  two  Montenegrin 
Princesses  captivated  two  Russian  princes,  the 
Grand  Duke  Peter  Nicolaievitch  and  Duke  George 
of  Leuchtenberg,  and  when  the  weddings  took  place 
the  Tsar  gave  the  brides  their  trousseaux — and  also 
a  dowry,  if  all  that  one  hears  is  true.  Prince  (his 
domain  was  not  then  a  kingdom)  Nicholas  went 
to  Russia  for  the  weddings,  and  was  made  a  great 
fuss  of. 

Since  the  marriage  of  his  daughters  he  has  vis- 
ited the  Russian  capital  many  times,  and  has  used 
the  occasions  to  further  the  interests  of  his  little 
kingdom,  and  he  finally  had  the  cleverness  to  win 
from  the  Tsar  the  guarantee  of  a  regular  subsidy, 
which  is  being  paid  to  him  to  the  present  day. 
Montenegro  was  a  young  country,  and  a  poor  one 
into  the  bargain;  therefore  no  one  objected  to  the 


2IO  THE  NEAR  EAST  FROM  WITHIN 

generosity  exercised  by  the  Tsar  in  regard  to  a  man 
who  had  given  him  such  proofs  of  his  devotion. 
There  were  some  who  had  the  audacity  to  ask  in 
what  these  proofs  consisted,  but  any  who  ventured 
to  make  such  unpleasant  remarks  were  very  soon 
cowed,  and  the  devotion  of  Montenegro  and  its 
ruler  to  the  Russian  cause  became  one  of  those 
established  legends  that  it  would  have  been  dan- 
gerous to  deny  or  even  not  to  acknowledge.  It 
was  proof  of  the  supreme  ability  of  Prince  Nich- 
olas that  he  could  so  persuade  the  world,  and  in 
this,  as  in  everything  else,  he  showed  himself  a 
consummate  diplomat.  Each  time  he  went  to  Rus- 
sia he  returned  laden  with  promises,  whilst  he  him- 
self kept  silent  as  the  Sphinx  in  the  Egyptian  desert. 

His  fifth  daughter  married  Francis  Joseph, 
Prince  of  Battenberg,  and  in  that  way  he  assured 
himself  of  the  sympathies  of  Queen  Victoria,  whose 
youngest  daughter,  the  Princess  Beatrice,  was  wed- 
ded to  another  Battenberg  brother;  and  at  last  he 
achieved  his  greatest  triumph  in  the  matrimonial 
line  when  the  dark-eyed  Princess  Helene  was  united 
to  the  Prince  of  Naples,  the  only  son  of  King  Hum- 
bert of  Italy  and  of  his  lovely  consort  Queen 
Margherita,  "the  Pearl  of  Savoy"  as  she  was  called 
in  her  own  country. 

It  was  about  the  time  of  Helene's  marriage  that 
the  Emperor  William  II.  sought  the  friendship  of 
Prince  Nicholas.  A  little  known  but  perfectly  true 
circumstance  is  that  the  German  Emperor  sug- 
gested this  alliance  to  the  King  of  Italy.    Owing  to 


Nicholas  I  of  Montenegro 


THE  PRINCE  AND  HIS  PEOPLE    211 

the  peculiar  relationship  always  existing  between 
the  Italian  Royal  Family  and  the  Vatican,  it  was 
impossible  to  think  of  a  Catholic  wife  for  the  heir 
to  the  throne.  Bearing"  in  mind  how  considerably 
such  a  fact  narrowed  the  circle  of  eligible  prin- 
cesses, William  II.  suggested  to  Humbert  that 
among  the  splendidly  beautiful  daughters  of  Nich- 
olas of  Montenegro  a  suitable  consort  might  be 
found. 

Owing  to  this  excellent  advice  the  Prince  of  Na- 
ples journeyed  to  Cetinje,  with  the  happy  result 
that  the  betrothal  to  Helene  was  soon  announced. 
In  this  act  the  German  Emperor  knew  very  well 
what  he  was  about  and  that  nothing  but  advantage 
to  everybody  could  come  out  of  his  hint.  He  had, 
moreover,  taken  care  to  keep  himself  well  informed 
as  to  the  personal  charms  and  qualities  of  the  young 
princesses,  and  when  after  his  marriage  Prince  Vic- 
tor Emmanuel  was  found  to  be  ardently  in  love 
with  his  wife,  William  II.  congratulated  himself 
on  the  foresight  that  had  persuaded  him  to  have 
a  hand  in  the  happiness  of  one  of  his  friends  and 
at  the  same  time  assured  him  of  the  gratitude  of 
Nicholas  of  Montenegro,  whom  he  took  care  to 
inform  that  the  match  had  been  partly  his  work. 

The  Berlin  Court  and  the  Quirinal  had  long  been 
upon  excellent  terms  with  each  other,  and  in  conse- 
quence William  II.  felt  sure  of  being  able  to  exer- 
cise through  its  medium  some  influence  on  the 
Prince  of  Montenegro  in  order  to  incline  him  to 
favour  the  plans  of  Germany. 


212  THE  NEAR  EAST  FROM  WITHIN 

There  came  a  moment  when  the  Emperor  Wil- 
liam XL  ventured  to  appeal  to  the  Ouirinal  and  to 
ask  the  young  King  (not  long  after  his  accession) 
whether,  if  such  came  about,  he  would  undertake 
the  office  of  mediator  in  settling  the  terms  of  a  de- 
fensive and  offensive  alliance  between  Germany  and 
Montenegro.  Victor  Emmanuel  declined  under  the 
pretext  that  his  father-in-law  was  a  man  of  such 
authoritative  character  that  he  would  never  dare 
suggest  to  him  anything  in  general,  and  especially 
anything  in  which  politics  were  concerned.  This 
suave  reply  did  not  discourage  William  II.,  who 
then  undertook  to  do  his  work  alone,  and  sent  me 
to  Cetinje  with  secret  instructions  to  sound  the 
Prince  (as  he  still  was  at  that  time)  and  to  find 
out  what  were  his  views  upon  the  subject. 

I  duly  reached  the  Montenegrin  capital,  and  al- 
most immediately  after  my  arrival  was  received  by 
Prince  Nicholas  in  the  simple  manner  in  which  he 
welcomed  all  his  visitors.  The  palace,  as  it  was 
pompously  called,  reminded  one  rather  of  the  coun- 
try house  of  a  simple  gentleman  of  moderate  means 
in  Europe;  the  only  characteristic  thing  about  the 
place  was  the  number  of  men  armed  to  the  teeth 
that  crowded  around  it,  not  for  the  protection  of 
the  royal  household,  but  all  wishing  to  ask  some- 
thing of  their  ruler,  to  crave  some  advice,  or  to 
make  some  complaint.  He  listened  to  each  one 
more  as  a  father  would  than  a  sovereign.  One 
could  not  help  being  struck  with  this  familiarity; 
it  united  the  people  and  their  ruler,  and  it  was  so 


ANGLING  FOR  POWER  213 

entirely  genuine,  so  different  from  anything  one 
could  see  or  meet  with  anywhere  else,  that  it  has 
remained  a  bright  memory.  The  Prince  noticed 
my  surprise,  but  simply  smiled  and  kindly  re- 
marked, 'We  are  not  in  Europe,"  adding,  ''We  live 
more  simply  here  than  you  do  in  Berlin."  After 
coffee  and  a  pipe,  Nicholas  began  questioning  me 
as  to  the  reasons  which  had  brought  me  over  to 
Cetinje,  and  inquired  whether  I  had  been  entrusted 
with  a  mission  of  some  kind.  This  I  evaded,  ex- 
plaining as  the  desire  to  see  a  new  country  my 
excursion  to  the  Black  Mountain.  He  nodded  and 
at  once  started  talking  about  the  Emperor  William. 
"He  has  been  very  kind  to  me  whenever  I  have 
seen  him,"  he  said,  "and  I  only  wish  I  could  be  of 
some  use  to  him  later  on.  I  am  sure  he  is  a  wise 
monarch  and  one  who  always  thinks  of  the  needs 
of  his  subjects.  And  then  think  what  a  responsi- 
ble position  he  occupies.  The  peace  of  the  world 
depends  almost  entirely  upon  him." 

"The  Emperor  has  constantly  been  working  for 
the  cause  of  peace,"  I  replied,  "and  one  of  the  rea- 
sons why  he  admires  Your  Highness  so  much  is 
that  he  knows  you  have  done  the  same  thing  in  the 
Balkan  Peninsula." 

"Ah!  but  what  can  I  do?"  answered  the  Prince. 
"I  am  so  helpless  in  the  face  of  all  the  rivalries  that 
abound  among  our  Slav  brethren  and  of  the  cruelty 
and  oppression  exercised  by  the  Turks  in  regard 
to  them.  I  do  what  I  can,  but  how  often  have  not 
events  proved  too  strong  for  me?     We  are  being 


214  THE  NEAR  EAST  FROM  WITHIN 

threatened  from  all  sides,  and  Austria  never  spares 
an  occasion  to  show  to  us  that  she  means  to  crush 
our  independence.  Then,  on  the  obverse,  Austria 
is  hated  by  all  Slavs,  who  seize  every  occasion  they 
can  find  to  attack  her.  Look  at  all  she  does  in 
Bosnia.  She  is  sure  to  annex  it  and  Herzegovina. 
And  do  you  think  that  the  Slav  populations  of  the 
Peninsula  will  not  rise  in  revolt  against  such  a 
fact?  What  can  I  do,  then,  but  follow  them  and 
help  them  to  the  defence  of  their  rights?  Ah!  if 
I  were  the  King  of  Servia  or  Ferdinand  of  Bul- 
garia, I  might  attempt  to  speak  the  language  of 
reason,  because  then  I  would  have  some  kind  of 
authority  vested  in  my  hands.  As  it  is,  I  am  but 
a  poor  little  prince  of  no  consequence,  and  must 
needs  follow  the  lead  of  others,  who  often  tell  me 
to  hold  my  tongue  because  amidst  so  many  kings 
I  have  no  place." 

I  hastened  to  reply. 

"If  rumour  speaks  the  truth.  Your  Highness  has 
already  more  than  once  been  entreated  to  change 
your  title  for  that  of  a  sovereign,  but  have  always 
refused." 

''Ah,  yes,  you  have  been  told  so;  but,  believe  me, 
it  is  all  a  mistake.  My  subjects  may  have  wished 
me  to  be  called  by  the  title  of  king,  but  of  what 
consequence  can  be  their  wishes  ?  It  is  Europe  that 
has  the  word  to  sav  in  such  a  matter,  and  so  far 
Europe  has  not  taken  kindly  to  the  idea — at  least, 
has  not  encouraged  it,  and  it  is  entirely  out  of  the 


A  SPHINX-LIKE  MONARCH         215 

question  for  me  to  move  in  the  matter  so  long  as 
she  remains  silent." 

''Ah,  but  my  Emperor  would  be  quite  willing  to 
take  the  initiative  in  the  affair,"  I  ventured  to  say; 
"he  would  require,  though,  to  know  what  were  the 
views  of  Your  Highness  in  matters  of  general 
politics.  The  Emperor  is  upon  terms  of  close 
friendship  with  the  Sultan;  he  could  hardly  en- 
courage any  demonstrations  of  hostility  in  regard 
to  the  latter,  and  Montenegro  has  never  been  the 
friend  of  Turkey." 

"Has  never  been?  You  are  right  to  talk  in  the 
sense  of  the  past,"  interrupted  Prince  Nicholas. 
"All  those  heroic  times  have  gone  never  to  return, 
I  hope.  Why  should  we  not  live  at  peace  with  Islam 
after  all?  We  only  want  the  Moslems  to  leave 
us  alone,  and  not  to  oppress  and  persecute  our 
brethren  in  race  and  faith.  If  your  Emperor, 
through  his  personal  relations  with  the  Sultan, 
could  obtain  us  that  boon,  then  indeed  Montenegro 
would  feel  itself  under  an  obligation  to  follow  him 
in  his  policy  far  more  than  if  he  had  troubled  to 
help  me  personally  to  get  a  title,  which,  though  it 
would  add  considerably  to  my  authority,  could  not 
contribute  in  any  way  whatsoever  to  my  happiness." 

"I  am  certain  that  the  influence  of  my  Sovereign 
will  always  be  exercised  in  the  cause  of  human- 
ity," was  my  answer,  "and  the  very  fact  that  he 
has  asked  me  not  to  neglect  an  opportunity,  should 
it  arise  during  my  journey  to  this  beautiful  coun- 
try, to  obtain  some  idea  of  the  intentions  of  Your 


2i6  THE  NEAR  EAST  FROM  WITHIN 

Highness  proves  it  once  more.  He  is  convinced 
that  Montenegro  is  the  dominant  factor  of  the 
whole  situation  in  the  Balkans,  and  I  am  sure  it 
would  be  of  sincere  interest  to  understand  whether 
you  would  take  part  in  any  dispute,  should  compli- 
cations ever  arise,  or  would  preserve  a  strict  neu- 
trality. Your  Highness  will  probably  agree  with 
me  that  a  decision  to  remain  neutral  in  Montenegro 
would  certainly  mean  that  the  other  Balkan  States 
would  remain  neutral  too." 

"It  is  very  hard  for  me  to  say  what  I  should  do," 
replied  Nicholas  with  quiet  weight  in  his  tone ;  "but 
if  I  could  talk  on  a  footing  of  equality  with  Servia 
and  Bulgaria,  and  Montenegro  were  no  longer  the 
poor  little  principality  it  is  to-day,  then  most  cer- 
tainly I  should  do  my  utmost  to  persuade  all  those 
within  reach  of  my  words  and  influence  that  they 
ought  to  do  all  that  is  in  their  power  in  order  to 
prevent  any  conflagration,  should  such  an  unhoped 
for  calamity  arise,  from  spreading  beyond  its  orig- 
inal limits." 

Try  as  I  would,  I  could  not  induce  the  Prince  to 
give  me  his  views  in  a  clearer  or  more  categorical 
form.  He  remained  impenetrable,  and  I  left  him 
with  the  conviction  that  the  only  manner  by  which 
one  could  hope  to  enlist  his  sympathies  would  be  to 
help  him  in  his  ambition  to  become  a  king. 

It  will  be  remembered  by  the  student  of  history 
that  when  Prince  Nicholas  was  made  a  king  later  on, 
it  was  the  Cabinet  of  Berlin  which  agitated  most 
zealously  for  the  recognition  of  Nicholas  as  Sov- 


A  SPHINX-LIKE  MONARCH         217 

ereign  of  Montenegro  and  for  the  erection  of  that 
principality  into  a  kingdom. 

When  the  thing  had  become  a  fact  the  new  Mon- 
f  arch  paid  a  visit  to  WilHam  II.  in  Berlin  for  the 

i  ostensible  purpose  of  expressing  his  thanks.     The 

Emperor  received  him  even  more  warmly  than  he 
had  done  on  the  occasion  of  his  previous  visits,  and 
tried  to  persuade  him  to  give  an  opinion  as  to  his 
intentions  in  the  delicate  matter  of  European  influ- 
ence in  the  Balkans.  But  the  Emperor  was  soon  to 
realise  that  few  men  have  grasped  so  thoroughly 
as  Nicholas  of  Montenegro  the  problem  of  never 
allowing  oneself  to  be  inveigled  into  expressing  an 
opinion  on  a  dangerous  subject. 

Some  time  later,  when  his  troops  had  taken 
Scutari  in  Albania  by  storm,  Nicholas  was  ap- 
proached by  a  German  agent.  He  refused  to  con- 
sider any  proposals  unless  he  was  definitely  left  in 
possession  of  Scutari.  It  was  impossible,  for  Ger- 
many was  inextricably  involved  to  support  Turkey, 
and  so  Nicholas — the  ruler  of  the  smallest  kingdom 
in  Europe — threw  down  the  gauntlet  and  followed 
the  example  of  Russia  and  England  by  declaring 
war  on  Germany. 


CHAPTER  XX 

TSAR  FERDINAND  OF  BULGARIA 

MY  journey  to  Sofia  to  see  the  Bulgarian 
King — or  Tsar  as  he  preferred  to  be 
called — was  one  of  those  secret  missions 
with  which  I  was  entrusted  by  Wilhelmstrasse 
whenever  they  desired  to  ascertain  things  it  would 
not  have  been  easy  to  discover  through  official  chan- 
nels. I  was  known  to  be  fond  of  travelling,  and 
by  assuming  the  role  of  an  enfant  terrible  to  whom 
years  had  not  brought  discretion  was  forgiven 
much,  and  on  the  whole  enabled  to  render  certain 
services  to  the  Emperor  and  the  Fatherland  which 
under  other  conditions  would  hardly  have  been  pos- 
sible. 

When  I  started  upon  my  so-called  pleasure  trip 
to  Bulgaria  the  Treaty  of  Bucharest  had  just  been 
signed,  and  the  whole  of  the  Balkans  still  bore  the 
impress  of  the  devastating  struggle.  Bulgaria  had 
been  humbled  to  the  dust,  and  Servia,  though  tri- 
umphant in  appearance,  had  bought  her  victory  at 
the  cost  of  enormous  sacrifices.  Greece  had  not 
fared  much  better,  and  that  degree  of  superiority 
was  only  due  to  the  rare  intelligence  of  her  Premier, 
M.  Venizelos. 

The  Emperor  William  II.  had  been  rather  sorry 

218 


FERDINAND  ELECTED  TO  BULGARIA    219 

to  see  the  defeat  of  King  Ferdinand.  He  had  an 
admiration  for  success,  and  in  Ferdinand's  case  the 
defeat  was  the  only  set-back  in  a  career  of  marked 
progress.  King  Ferdinand  had  been  a  younger  son 
of  a  family  which  by  dint  of  patience  and  of  ability 
had  succeeded  in  pushing  itself  forward  and  in  tak- 
ing possession  of  several  thrones  in  Europe.  The 
Coburgs  were  ever  an  ambitious  race,  and  the  pres- 
ent King  of  Bulgaria  is  no  exception  to  the  rule. 

When  Prince  Ferdinand  was  invited  to  take  up 
the  task  which  Prince  Alexander  of  Battenberg  had 
found  himself  unable  to  tackle,  he  had  consulted 
his  mother,  the  famous  Princess  Clementine  of  Or- 
leans. The  Princess  was  one  of  those  women  born 
to  great  things,  built  after  the  model  of  Maria 
Theresa  or  of  the  great  Catherine,  but  who  had 
found  herself  compelled  all  her  life  to  occupy  a  sub- 
ordinate position  in  which  her  rare  faculties  had 
been  deprived  of  exercise.  Her  marriage  had  not 
been  a  very  happy  one,  and  her  sons  had  also  not 
altogether  satisfied  her  maternal  ambitions.  She 
saw  suddenly  in  her  old  age  the  possibility  to  realise 
the  secret  dreams  and  longings  of  her  youth  and, 
under  the  name  of  a  beloved  child,  at  last  to  have 
something  to  say  in  the  destinies  of  Europe.  Prin- 
cess Clementine  nursed  great  ambitions.  The  friend 
of  the  Jesuits  and  the  supporter  of  the  Catholic 
cause  wherever  she  went,  she  had  brought  up  Prince 
Ferdinand  with  special  care,  and  had  kept  him  so 
entirely  under  her  own  wing  that  he  had  acquired 
a  love  for  fine  dresses  and  jewels  and  rather  femi- 


220  THE  NEAR  EAST  FROM  WITHIN 

nine  tastes ;  but  at  the  same  time  he  had  strongly  de- 
veloped literary  and  artistic  tastes  and  had  become 
most  certainly,  from  the  intellectual  point  of  view, 
a  cultivated  and  remarkable  man. 

When  the  Princess  advised  her  son  to  accept  his 
election  as  Prince  of  Bulgaria  she  did  not  intend 
him  to  fail,  but  brought  to  his  help  all  the  resources 
of  which  she  was  possessed,  and  all  her  vast  wealth. 
She  accompanied  Prince  Ferdinand  to  Sofia,  and  es- 
tablished herself  there,  using  all  her  rare  faculties 
of  mind  and  her  great  intelligence  to  win  popular- 
ity for  her  son.  She  opened  her  doors  to  represent- 
atives of  all  the  different  parties,  smiled  at  M. 
Stambouloff,  shook  hands  with  M.  Radoslavoff,  and 
lured  to  her  side  all  the  leading  men  in  Bulgaria, 
whom  she  treated  with  the  utmost  affability,  with- 
out appearing  to  notice  their  lack  of  manners  or  the 
incongruities  of  their  conduct  at  table.  She  even 
invited  the  members  of  the  national  clergy  to  her 
hospitable  home,  and  began  discussing  gravely  with 
them  the  possibility  of  union  with  Rome,  which  was 
the  one  thing  for  which  her  soul  craved  and  which 
she  would  have  liked  to  achieve. 

She  spent  her  money  freely,  showing  herself 
more  than  generous  whenever  the  occasion  to  open 
her  purse  presented  itself.  She  interested  herself 
in  the  question  of  education,  favoured  the  opening 
of  new  schools,  and  most  of  those  already  existing 
throughout  Bulgaria  obtained  large  subsidies  from 
her.  Whilst  known  to  possess  no  ambition  save  that 
of  furthering  the  fortunes  of  her  son,  she  neverthe- 


INTERNAL  OPPOSITION  221 

less  contrived  to  make  personal  friends  for  herself 
among  his  adversaries,  and  men  of  all  parties  were 
glad  to  appeal  to  her  common  sense  and  to  use  her 
as  a  go-between  in  their  negotiations  with  the 
Prince.  At  the  same  time  she  urged  her  son  to 
begin  building  for  himself  that  wonderful  palace 
of  Euxinograd,  which  has  become  one  of  the  most 
beautiful  things  of  its  kind  in  Europe.  The  far- 
seeing  Princess  had  something  else  in  view  when 
she  advised  Prince  Ferdinand  to  erect  it.  She 
wanted  him  to  have  a  place  of  refuge  where,  if  the 
necessity  arose,  he  could  defy  any  revolution  that 
might  break  out  in  Sofia  and  where  he  would  be  safe 
from  any  attempt  to  kill  or  kidnap  him,  as  had  hap- 
pened to  poor  Prince  Alexander  of  Battenberg. 
Euxinograd  is  built  on  the  seashore,  and  its  towers 
command  an  extraordinary  view.  A  yacht  always 
at  anchor  in  the  roads  would  provide  an  easy  escape 
from  danger.  Princess  Clementine  never  left  things 
to  chance.  This  extreme  caution,  coupled  with 
great  determination  and  an  almost  ferocious 
strength  of  will,  has  been  inherited  by  her  son,  who 
has  given  proofs  of  it  during  the  whole  time  he 
has  occupied  the  throne  of  Bulgaria. 

When  Prince  Ferdinand  arrived  in  Sofia  he 
found  the  position  there  extremely  difficult.  Not 
one  among  the  great  Powers  wished  to  recognise 
him.  Russia  simply  ignored  his  pretensions,  and 
the  Tsar  Alexander  III.  declared  that  the  less  he 
heard  about  him  the  more  pleased  he  would  be. 
This  was  a  serious  check  in  the  political  career  of 


222   THE  NEAR  EAST  FROM  WITHIN 

the  new  ruler  of  Bulgaria,  and  at  first  no  one  be- 
lieved he  could  hold  his  own.  Europe  was  over- 
generous  in  snubbing  Ferdinand,  but  he  settled  in 
Sofia  without  minding  in  the  very  least  the  fact 
that  no  one  consented  to  acknowledge  his  position 
there  as  either  stable  or  even  legitimate,  and  he 
started  to  govern  the  country  that  had  placed  him 
at  its  head  with  the  utmost  coolness  and  determina- 
tion. He  was  always  cheerful,  always  amiable, 
always  pleasant.  He  held  long  interviews  with  his 
cook  every  morning  that  proved  most  satisfactory 
for  those  whom  he  invited  to  sit  at  his  hospitable 
board,  and  he  assumed  an  indifference  to  the  judg- 
ments of  his  adversaries.  After  a  few  months  the 
world  ceased  laughing  at  him,  and  after  a  few 
years  it  was  he  who  laughed  at  it. 

Nevertheless,  those  first  days  of  sovereignty 
were  indeed  a  hard  trial  for  the  Prince.  For  one 
thing,  Ferdinand  discovered  very  soon  after  he  had 
set  his  foot  on  Bulgarian  soil  that  a  strong  party 
was  intriguing  against  him.  He  had  found  that 
the  one  powerful  man  in  Sofia  was  M.  Stambouloff, 
who  had  been  nicknamed  "The  King-maker,"  and 
whose  word  was  law.  M.  Stambouloff  and  Prince 
Ferdinand  did  not  agree  well  together,  being  both 
men  of  strong  opinions  and  of  most  unyielding 
character,  with  one  essential  difference,  however. 
The  Bulgarian  statesman,  with  all  his  faults  and  a 
certain  cruelty  in  his  nature  which  it  is  impossible 
to  deny,  was  incapable  of  deceit.  Prince  Ferdi- 
nand, on  the  contrary,  was  trained  to  the  belief 


PRINCESS  CLEMENTINE  223 

that  the  end  justified  whatever  means  were  em- 
ployed to  attain  it.  It  was  not  long  before  these 
two  men  showed  an  open  antagonism  to  each  other. 
Stambouloff  declared  with  emphasis  that  he  could 
not  enter  into  Ferdinand's  plans,  and  did  not  take 
the  trouble  to  conceal  his  reasons. 

In  the  end  M.  Stambouloff  was  murdered  one 
evening  as  he  was  returning  home.  He  was  very 
popular;  many  people  mourned  him  sincerely,  but 
at  the  same  time  it  was  felt  all  over  the  country 
that  his  hostility  in  regard  to  the  Prince  might  have 
brought  about  serious  difficulties  in  the  future. 

With  Ferdinand  things  prospered,  the  people  rec- 
ognised in  him  a  leader  after  their  own  heart,  and 
the  country  was  certainly  making  favourable  prog- 
ress. In  the  meantime  Ferdinand  had  married  the 
Princess  Marie  Louise  of  Bourbon-Parme,  the  eld- 
est of  the  nineteen  children  of  the  exiled  Due  de 
Parme.  She  was  a  sweet  woman  with  lovely  hazel 
eyes  and  eminently  attractive.  Hers  was  not  a 
happy  married  life,  and  she  must  have  regretted 
more  than  once  the  park  of  the  Villa  Pianore,  near 
Lucques,  where  she  had  spent  her  childhood.  Ferdi- 
nand treated  her  with  a  roughness  that  was  the 
more  wonderful  that  he  was  generally  studiously 
polite  to  all  those  with  whom  he  came  into  contact ; 
but  the  straightforward  character  of  the  Princess 
jarred  on  his  nerves.  It  was  not  remarkable,  there- 
fore, that  Ferdinand  and  his  gentle  wife  became 
estranged,  and  that  the  Princess  Clementine  con- 
tinued as  the  moving  spirit  at  the  little  Court  of 


224  THE  NEAR  EAST  FROM  WITHIN 

Sofia,  her  word  law,  and  her  influence  and  author- 
ity beyond  dispute. 

For  many  years  Clementine  really  ruled  under 
her  son's  name,  and  during  that  period  Bulgaria 
developed  in  an  astonishing  manner.  The  Prin- 
cess never  let  an  occasion  pass  for  furthering  Bul- 
garian interests,  whilst  saying  the  whole  time  that 
it  was  Prince  Ferdinand  alone  whose  initiative 
brought  about  the  various  reforms  that  were  being 
prosecuted  with  commendable  activity.  Ferdi- 
nand's mother  was  liked  and  appreciated  at  every 
Court  in  Europe,  and  furthered  the  interests  of  her 
son  with  an  energy  that  was  quite  wonderful  in 
such  an  old  woman.  Mother  and  son  loved  each 
other  with  a  warm,  strong  affection,  and  the  Prince 
had  the  good  sense  to  submit  to  her  judgment.  Be- 
ing under  the  influence  of  the  Jesuits,  it  was  the 
lasting  hope  of  Princess  Clementine  to  restore  the 
Bulgarian  Church  to  the  arms  of  Rome.  It  would 
be  a  long  story,  with  far  more  ramifications  than 
can  be  set  out  in  logical  sequence,  to  explain  the 
policy  by  which  the  Princess  sought  to  carry  out 
her  ambition.  Suffice  it  to  say  that  it  was  this  great 
aim  on  her  part  that  has  always  actuated  Ferdi- 
nand's keen  hope  that  one  day  he  will  be  acknowl- 
edged as  head  of  the  Christian  Church  in  the  Near 
East,  and  be  proclaimed  as  such  from  the  altar 
steps  of  the  Cathedral  of  St.  Sophia  in  Constanti- 
nople. 

When  Princess  Clementine  died  she  had  the  sat- 
isfaction of  knowing  that  no  mother  could  have 


FLIRTING  WITH  RUSSIA  225 

done  more  for  a  son.  The  old  internal  antagonisms 
had  been  swept  away,  the  coldness  of  Europe  had 
been  thawed,  and,  from  being  a  prince  on  suffer- 
ance, Ferdinand  was  in  a  fair  way  to  becoming  a 
king,  his  principality  converted  into  a  kingdom,  and 
his  influence  a  deciding  factor  in  Balkan  politics. 

Very  friendly  relations  existed  between  the  Prin- 
cess Clementine  and  the  German  Emperor,  who 
after  having  failed  for  some  time  to  propitiate  her, 
had  suddenly  succeeded  in  doing  so.  The  fact  is, 
that  the  shrewd  old  lady  understood  very  well  that 
it  would  be  a  master  stroke  on  her  part  to  secure  the 
good  will  of  William  II.  for  her  son  without  seem- 
ing eager  to  obtain  it.  William  II.,  always  watch- 
ful of  everything  that  was  going  on  in  the  East, 
and  desirous  of  assuring  himself  of  allies  capable 
of  counteracting  the  action  of  Russia  in  the  Bal- 
kans, was  but  too  glad  to  see  the  Princess  Clemen- 
tine appeal  to  him  when  certain  difficulties  arose. 
He  extended  to  her  as  well  as  to  Prince  Ferdinand 
all  the  help  it  was  in  his  power  to  give.  He  per- 
suaded the  Austrian  Government  to  forget  that  the 
Prince  of  Bulgaria  had  accepted  the  throne  of  that 
country  in  defiance  of  its  opposition,  and  he  brought 
about  an  interview  with  the  latter  and  the  Emperor 
Francis  Joseph,  which  was  the  first  step  toward  an 
official  recognition  of  his  election  as  ruler  of  unruly 
Bulgaria. 

This  was  an  important  result,  but  so  long  as  the 
Tsar  Alexander  III.  was  alive  Prince  Ferdinand 
could  not  feel  himself  secure  at  Sofia.     The  Tsar 


226  THE  NEAR  EAST  FROM  WITHIN 

could  not  digest  "that  adventurer,"  as  he  called 
him,  who  in  defiance  of  Russia  and  of  Russia's  de- 
sires had  ventured  to  instal  himself  at  Sofia.  Wil- 
liam II.  did  try  once  to  say  a  word  to  the  Tsar  to 
the  effect  that  Prince  Ferdinand  was  after  all  not 
so  bad,  but  no  reply  was  vouchsafed  to  this  remark. 
Matters  therefore  remained  in  abeyance  until  the 
world  was  startled  by  the  news  that  the  Tsar  was 
dying.  Very  soon  Nicholas  II.  reigned  in  his  place. 
It  was  then  that  the  German  Emperor,  always 
intent  upon  great  schemes,  made  a  suggestion  for 
winning  the  favour  of  Russia,  which  met  with  full 
sympathy  from  Princess  Clementine  of  Coburg,  to 
whom  he  mentioned  it,  and  received  the  tacit  sanc- 
tion of  the  Jesuits,  whose  influence  over  her  was  so 
great.  Unknown  to  William  II.,  the  same  idea  had 
already  entered  the  mind  of  another.  The  plan  was 
that  Prince  Ferdinand  of  Coburg  should  have  his 
children  publicly  baptised  into  the  Greek  Orthodox 
faith.  What  followed  is  the  subject  of  another 
chapter. 


CHAPTER  XXI 

THE  HISTORY  OF  A  CONVERSION 

COMING  as  it  did  from  people  who  had  al- 
ways been  considered  strong  supporters  of 
the  Roman  Church,  the  scheme  for  the  re- 
baptism  of  the  Bulgarian  Crown  Prince  Boris,  to 
which  reference  was  made  in  the  last  chapter,  at 
first  sight  appeared  monstrous.  In  reality  it  was 
not  so  extraordinary  as  it  seemed.  The  Greek  Or- 
thodox Church  was  not  the  same  as  the  National 
Bulgarian  Church,  though  many  people  believed 
them  to  be  identical.  The  Greek  Church  in  the  East 
is  under  the  sway  of  the  Patriarch  of  Constanti- 
nople or  of  the  Holy  Synod  in  Petersburg,  whilst 
the  Bulgarian  Church  is  independent,  with  its  own 
hierarchy.  The  leaders  of  the  Bulgarian  Church 
w^ere  in  a  state  of  continual  revolt  against  the  per- 
sistent attempts  to  bring  it  under  the  dominion  of 
the  Constantinople  Community  and  its  Patriarch. 

The  Princess  Clementine  had  long  been  working 
at  the  Vatican  to  secure  the  recognition  of  the  Bul- 
garian Church  by  the  Pope,  and  of  thus  bringing  it 
back  into  the  bosom  of  the  Church  of  Rome.  She 
was  aided  in  that  enterprise  by  the  Jesuits,  who 
had  established  colleges  and  schools  in  Bulgaria, 
and  who  were  agitating  with  considerable  success 

227 


228   THE  NEAR  EAST  FROM  WITHIN 

to  cause  the  bulk  of  the  people  to  favour  the  re- 
union of  the  National  Church  with  the  Latin  com- 
munity. Prince  Ferdinand  fully  supported  the 
movement.  There  was  nothing  in  the  tenets  of  the 
National  Bulgarian  Church  that  could  be  consid- 
ered as  distinctly  antagonistic  to  Catholicism. 
Therefore,  argued  Princess  Clementine,  it  was  easy 
to  bring  about  a  fusion  of  these  two  forces  which, 
working  in  unison,  might  in  time  become  a  most 
important  factor  in  European  politics.  A  recon- 
ciliation with  Rome  could  not  fail  to  make  Prince 
Ferdinand  popular. 

Even  before  the  death  of  Alexander  III.  the 
question  of  the  conversion  of  Prince  Ferdinand's 
eldest  son  had  been  raised.  An  intimate  friend  of 
the  Prince  had  touched  upon  it  during  a  conversa- 
tion Avith  Prince  Lobanoff,  who  had  just  been  ap- 
pointed at  the  head  of  the  Russian  Foreign  Office. 
This  conversation  had  taken  place  in  Paris,  where 
Lobanoff  w^as  enjoying  a  short  holiday.  The  inter- 
view took  place  at  the  Cafe  Anglais,  on  the  boule- 
vards, where  the  confidant  of  the  ambitious  schemes 
of  Prince  Ferdinand  had  invited  the  Russian  states- 
man to  dine.  Prince  Lobanoiif  had  said  nothing  to 
these  overtures,  not  caring  to  compromise  himself 
at  random,  but  on  his  return  to  Petersburg  he  fos- 
tered the  idea,  believing  that  it  w^ould  prove  a  good 
pretext  for  bringing  about  a  reconciliation  between 
Bulgaria  and  Russia.  Alexander  III.  had  died  in 
the  meantime,  and  Nicholas  II.  did  not  entertain  the 
same   antagonism   to   Prince   Ferdinand.      When, 


A  QUESTION  OF  FAITH  229 

therefore,  the  latter  once  more  approached  the  Rus- 
sian Government,  his  request  that  the  Tsar  might 
sanction  the  re-baptism  of  his  Httle  boy  according 
to  the  rites  of  the  Greek  Church  met  with  accept- 
ance. The  Tsar  even  promised  to  send  a  represen- 
tative to  Sofia  to  attend  the  ceremony,  and  Prince 
Ferdinand  proceeded  to  make  public  his  decision  as 
soon  as  he  had  ascertained  for  sure  that  Russia  was 
to  show  publicly  her  acquiescence. 

To  the  surprise  of  Prince  Ferdinand  a  good 
many  persons  in  Bulgaria  disapproved  of  the  meas- 
ure, among  them  his  own  wife,  the  Princess  Marie 
Louise.  Her  honest  soul  and  simple  mind  refused 
to  accept  such  a  political  apostasy,  and  her  strictly 
Roman  Catholic  convictions  rose  up  in  horror  and 
disgust  at  the  thought  of  her  child  being  thrust 
into  another  faith  than  her  own.  At  first  she  de- 
clared that  she  would  never  consent  to  the  thing, 
and  when  told  that  her  sanction  or  otherwise  was 
of  no  consequence,  expressed  her  resolution  to  leave 
Sofia  rather  than  approve  by  her  presence  an  act 
to  which  she  entirely  dissented.  Princess  Marie 
characterised  the  act  as  a  shameful  political  conces- 
sion not  to  the  necessities  of  the  moment,  but  to 
further  the  ambition  of  her  husband. 

At  first  she  hoped  that  the  Pope  would  come  to 
her  help,  and  wrote  imploring  his  assistance.  But 
Leo  XIII.  was  far  too  shrewd  a  statesman  to  do 
aught  else  but  pity  and  comfort  her.  As  a  matter 
of  fact,  Leo  XIII.  knew  somewhat  of  the  details  of 
the  contemplated  conversion,  for  Princess  Clemen- 


230  THE  NEAR  EAST  FROM  WITHIN 

tine  had  spent  some  weeks  in  Rome  just  before 
Princess  Marie  Louise  had  sent  her  pathetic  appeal. 
Princess  Clementine  had  conferred  with  several  of 
the  prelates,  and  among  others  the  Prefect  of  the 
Congregation  of  the  Propaganda,  Cardinal  Ledo- 
chowski,  a  Pole,  and  a  man  whose  secret  desire, 
ever  since  he  had  received  the  red  hat,  had  been 
to  bring  about  a  reunion  of  the  Latin  and  the 
Greek  Churches.  He  hated  Russia,  and  knew  that 
the  establishment  of  a  modus  vivendi  would  pro- 
cure for  the  Jesuits  a  recognition  throughout  the 
Balkan  Peninsula  of  the  Church  discipline  of  Rome, 
and  certainly,  therefore,  deal  a  considerable  blow 
to  Russian  influence.  At  all  events  it  was  a  game 
worth  trying,  and  the  Jesuits  entered  into  it  with 
zeal.  The  Archbishop  of  Sofia  was  told  that  if  he 
would  only  consent  to  help  Prince  Ferdinand,  and 
w^ork  together  with  him  to  bring  about  a  recon- 
ciliation between  his  clergy  and  the  Church  of 
Rome,  the  See  of  Sofia  would  be  raised  to  the  rank 
of  a  Patriarchate,  and  he  should  be  put  at  its  head, 
thus  being  relieved  from  rendering  obedience  to  the 
Patriarch  of  Constantinople. 

In  exchange  for  this  advancement  he  was  to  al- 
low the  Jesuits  to  instal  themselves  all  over  Bul- 
garia, to  open  schools,  and  to  make  converts.  A 
message  from  Pope  Leo  himself  was  handed  to  him, 
which  said  that  the  blessing  of  God  would  follow 
him  if  he  would  only  work  for  the  spiritual  welfare 
of  Bulgaria  and  help  the  Church  of  that  country  to 
keep  its  position  national  and  independent;  and, 


CARDINAL  LEDOCHOWSKI  231 

finally,  large  sums  of  money  were  placed  at  his  dis- 
posal, a  proceeding  which  helped  a  good  deal  to  a 
decision. 

In  this  adventure — for  one  can  hardly  call  it  any- 
thing else — everybody  wap  the  dupe  of  somebody 
else.  The  Russian  Foreign  Office  believed  that  by 
entering  into  the  views  of  Prince  Ferdinand  it 
would  definitely  sever  his  connection  with  Austria ; 
the  Vatican  hoped  to  bring  about  through  his  me- 
dium the  union  of  the  Latin  and  Greek  Churches, 
which  had  been  the  subject  of  its  secret  desire  for 
centuries;  Austria  hoped  that  the  influence  of  the 
Jesuits  would  make  her  popular  in  the  Balkans, 
where  she  knew  very  well  that  she  was  not  liked; 
the  Princess  Clementine  hoped  that  the  position  of 
her  beloved  son  would  become  safer  and  stronger 
after  the  heavy  sacrifice  he  had  accepted  in  order 
to  consolidate  his  dynasty;  Prince  Ferdinand  hoped 
that  by  this  step  he  was  getting  nearer  to  the  ful- 
filment of  his  cherished  schemes  to  be  recognised 
as  King  of  Bulgaria;  the  Emperor  William  alone 
hoped  nothing,  because  he  knew  that  his  sugges- 
tions had  borne  fruit  and  that  whatever  happened 
it  could  only  be  to  his  benefit. 

A  curious  incident  in  this  most  curious  historical 
episode  was  related  to  me  some  time  later.  It  seems 
that  after  the  departure  of  the  envoy  who  had  rep- 
resented the  Tsar  at  the  christening  of  Prince  Boris, 
the  latter's  father  wrote  to  William  II.  an  account 
of  the  ceremony,  adding  the  remark  that  the  only 
thing  for  which  he  felt  sorry  was  that  he  had  not 


2^2  THE  NEAR  EAST  FROM  WITHIN 

been  able  to  have  a  photograph  taken  of  it,  which 
he  would  have  liked  to  send  to  Berlin,  but  that  the 
Archbishop  of  Sofia  had  objected  to  the  idea.  He 
concluded  with  the  words :  'T  feel  sure  that  Your 
Majesty  would  have  appreciated  it  with  the  sense 
of  humour  which  you  possess." 

A  few  months  later  Prince  Ferdinand  went  to 
Russia  to  present  his  compliments  to  the  Tsar  on 
the  occasion  of  the  latter's  coronation.  In  Moscow 
he  was  more  or  less  shunned  by  everybody;  even 
the  Imperial  Family  treated  him  with  a  certain  re- 
serve. To  a  chosen  few  he  unburdened  his  soul, 
and,  when  speaking  to  them  about  the  conversion 
of  his  son,  added  that  he  himself  was  studying  the 
Orthodox  religion,  as  he  might  possibly  follow  his 
son's  example.  The  world,  he  added,  had  attributed 
unworthy  motives  to  him  that  were  absolutely  in- 
consistent with  facts.  *T  hope,"  he  continued,  "that 
my  children  will  reign  in  Bulgaria  after  I  am  dead 
and  gone;  and  I  have  done  what  I  thought  it  my 
duty  to  do  in  order  to  smooth  the  way  for  them  in 
the  future.  A  sovereign  who  professes  another  re- 
ligion to  that  of  his  people  finds  himself  always, 
at  one  time  or  other,  in  conflict  with  them.  I 
wished  my  son  to  be  spared  this  dilemma,  and  so 
decided  that  he  had  better  be  brought  up  in  the  faith 
which  is  that  of  his  country."  One  thing,  however, 
Ferdinand  achieved  during  the  weeks  he  spent  in 
Moscow.  He  had  several  interviews  with  the  Ger- 
man Ambassador,  Prince  Radolin,  and  through  him 


A  PALPABLE  SNUB  233 

conveyed  to  William  IL  his  personal  impressions  of 
what  he  had  seen  and  observed. 

Before  taking  leave  of  the  Emperor  and  Empress 
he  had  expressed  the  desire  to  introduce  to  them 
his  wife,  the  Princess  Marie  Louise,  who  had  re- 
turned to  Sofia  from  the  shores  of  the  Riviera, 
where  she  had  spent  some  months  after  her  abrupt 
departure  from  Bulgaria.  The  Empress  of  Russia 
replied  that  she  would  feel  delighted  to  make  the 
acquaintance  of  the  Princess,  upon  which  the  pro- 
gramme of  a  visit  was  fixed  there  and  then  by 
Prince  Ferdinand  himself. 

About  eighteen  months  later  he  visited  Russia 
once  more,  this  time  accompanied  by  his  consort. 
They  were  received  at  Peterhof  with  great  pomp. 
Little  Prince  Boris  was  with  his  parents,  attended 
by  his  tutor,  a  Bulgarian  monk,  who  never  left  him 
and  whose  presence  at  the  side  of  the  boy  excited 
a  good  deal  of  curiosity  and  even  a  certain  amount 
of  interest  in  Petersburg.  The  Princess  also  won 
all  hearts,  and  altogether  the  visit  was  a  greater 
success  than  one  could  have  expected. 

Prince  Ferdinand,  encouraged  by  this  reception, 
began  to  plan  visits  to  other  European  Courts,  and 
probably  would  have  carried  out  his  intention  had 
not  Fate  interfered.  The  Princess  Marie  Louise 
died  most  unexpectedly  in  childbirth,  and  her  hus- 
band had  perforce  to  resign  himself  to  months  of 
quiet  life. 

Ferdinand's  mother  hastened  to  his  side,  arriving 
from  Vienna  in  the  middle  of  winter,  and  installed 


234  THE  NEAR  EAST  FROM  WITHIN 

herself  at  the  palace  of  Sofia.  She  took  up  the  edu- 
cation of  the  motherless  children  of  her  son,  and 
watched  over  them  with  a  devotion  that  left  noth- 
ing to  be  desired.  Under  her  guidance  the  two 
boys  developed  quite  wonderfully,  both  physically 
and  intellectually.  She  won  their  confidence,  and 
by  dint  of  much  tenderness  ruled  them  without  the 
slightest  sign  of  friction. 

Prince  Ferdinand  alJowed  her  considerably  more 
authority  in  his  household  than  he  had  ever  ex- 
tended to  his  wife.  Politically,  too,  he  never  took 
a  step  without  her  advice  and  concurrence;  and 
when  at  last  the  Princess  Clementine  died,  with  her 
vanished  the  real  Sovereign  of  Bulgaria. 

So  long  as  Princess  Clementine  lived  the  ambi- 
tions of  Prince  Ferdinand  were  kept  under  a  cloak, 
which  he  hastened  to  discard  the  moment  that  she 
was  no  longer  at  his  elbow.  He  was  determined 
to  have  a  royal  diadem  on  his  brow,  and  as  cir- 
cumstances did  not  altogether  favour  such  a  con- 
summation, he  made  up  his  mind  to  come  to  their 
rescue.  Ferdinand  had  worked  very  hard  at  the  or- 
ganisation of  the  Bulgarian  army,  and  had  even 
gone  to  the  length  of  providing  it  with  German 
military  instructors,  much  to  the  dismay  of  the 
General  Staff  in  Petersburg.  The  result  was  that 
the  ruler  of  Bulgaria  believed  the  moment  had  come 
when  he  might  force  down  the  throat  of  Europe  a 
proclamation  converting  his  principality  into  a 
kingdom,  and  in  order  to  be  able  to  achieve  this  de- 
sirable result  he  asked  his  great  friend  William  II. 


GERMAN  INFLUENCE  IN  BULGARIA    235 

to  back  him  up  with  the  weight  of  his  influence. 
The  German  Emperor  was  delighted,  but  he  was 
far  too  shrewd  to  engage  himself  in  an  adventure 
that  did  not  concern  him  personally.  He  therefore 
advised  Prince  Ferdinand  to  turn  toward  Austria. 


CHAPTER  XXII 

THE  PERSUADING  OF  TURKEY 

WHEN,  after  the  outbreak  of  the  present 
war,  it  began  to  be  whispered  that  Tur- 
key might  be  persuaded  to  take  part,  a 
good  many  people  laughed  outright.  What  gain, 
they  asked,  could  she  achieve  by  mixing  herself  up 
in  a  conflict  which  it  was  undeniably  to  her  advan- 
tage to  watch  from  the  point  of  view  of  a  neutral 
Power?  She  had  just  gone  through  a  war  which, 
but  for  an  unforeseen  incident,  might  have  ended 
disastrously  for  her.  She  had  not  yet  succeeded  in 
liquidating  the  costs  of  this  war,  and  her  credit 
stood  about  as  low  as  it  possibly  could.  Albania 
had  been  definitely  wrested  from  her,  and  though 
she  still  held  hopes  of  being  able  to  win  back  this 
province,  no  reasonable  being  thought  that  these 
hopes  could  ever  be  realised. 

Her  immediate  interest,  at  least  so  it  seemed, 
would  best  be  served  by  remaining  quiet  and  mak- 
ing use  of  the  opportunity  to  reorganise  her  armies, 
her  finances,  and  her  general  administration  during 
a  time  when  neither  Russia,  nor  France,  nor  Eng- 
land, nor  any  other  Power  in  the  world  could  pos- 
sibly interfere  with  her. 

When,  therefore.  Rumour  said  that  Turkey  had 

236 


THE  RENASCENCE  OF  TURKEY    237 

suddenly  developed  warlike  instincts  and  was  going 
to  seek  a  quarrel  with  her  traditional  enemy  Rus- 
sia, friends  and  enemies  alike  agreed  that  madness 
was  the  only  possible  explanation  for  such  conduct, 
unless  she  were  actuated  by  reasons  about  which 
the  world  knew  nothing. 

I  am  going  to  try  and  explain  these  underlying 
currents  to  my  readers,  warning  them  at  the  same 
time  that  it  is  quite  possible  I  shall  not  be  quite 
accurate  in  my  tale,  as  some  of  the  darker  shadows 
of  the  intrigue  are  not  within  my  personal  knowl- 
edge. But  what  I  do  know  is  sufficient  to  prove 
clearly  what  kind  of  influences  were  set  in  motion 
to  persuade  Turkey  that  a  bold  step  in  favour  of  the 
dual  alliance — for  Italy  may  be  counted  out — would 
bring  innumerable  benefits  to  the  land  of  the  Mos- 
lem and  restore  her  rank  as  a  great  Power. 

When  the  second  Balkan  War  had  ended  in  tri- 
umph for  Turkey  and  she  recovered  part  of  her  lost 
territories,  it  would  still  have  been  possible  to  com- 
pel her  to  give  up  Adrianople  had  Europe  collect- 
ively decided  that  it  ought  to  remain  in  the  posses- 
sion of  Servia  or  of  Bulgaria.  Unfortunately,  Eu- 
rope was  not  at  all  united  on  the  point.  The  mis- 
fortune was  that  neither  Servia  nor  Bulgaria  in- 
spired sympathy.  Bulgaria,  by  her  perversity  and 
her  ruthlessness  in  provoking  a  conflict  with  her 
Slav  brethren,  was  considered  as  a  false  and  un- 
trustworthy nation ;  moreover,  she  had  incurred  the 
complete  indifference  of  Russia.  On  the  other 
hand,  Servia  stood  on  the  brink  of  a  serious  antag- 


238  THE  NEAR  EAST  FROM  WITHIN 

onism  in  regard  to  Austria,  and  the  latter  Power 
would  never  have  consented  to  her  retaining  such 
an  important  stronghold  as  Adrianople. 

Under  these  conditions  the  position  of  the  vari- 
ous Cabinets  whose  task  it  was  to  bring  about  the 
conclusion  of  a  peace  urgently  needed  not  only  by 
the  belligerents  but  also  by  the  whole  of  Europe, 
for  whom  this  everlasting  Balkan  question  was  a 
source  of  constant  danger,  became  most  difficult. 
When,  therefore,  Germany  tentatively  suggested 
through  the  medium  of  her  ambassador  in  London, 
Prince  Lichnowsky,  that  the  best  thing  to  do  would 
be  tacitly  to  accept  accomplished  facts  and  leave 
Adrianople  in  the  hands  of  the  Turk,  there  was  a 
feeling  of  general  relief  all  round.  Turkey  was 
told  that,  provided  she  behaved  like  a  good  child, 
she  would  be  allowed  to  retain  possession  of  the 
town  which  she  had  won  back  from  a  demoralised 
foe. 

Turkey  promised  everything — and,  of  course,  did 
nothing.  Whether  Turkey  was  honest  of  intention 
is  another  question.  Certainly  her  statesmen  were 
not.  Enver  Pasha  and  the  other  leading  spirits  of 
the  Committee  of  Union  and  Progress  were  clever, 
unscrupulous,  quick  at  seizing  hold  of  the  slightest 
mistake  on  the  part  of  their  antagonists,  anything 
but  honest  in  the  sense  we  understand  the  term  in 
Europe. 

When  things  began  to  look  black  in  Mid-Europe, 
Berlin  was  not  slow  in  advising  Enver  Pasha  of 
what  had  been  done  for  his  country.    Enver  Pasha 


THE  POWER  OF  GOLD  239 

knew  very  well  that  this  service  was  far  from  hav- 
ing been  a  disinterested  one,  but  he  knew,  too,  that 
it  was  to  his  interest  to  make  common  cause  with 
Germany,  who  alone  was  seeking  the  friendship 
of  Turkey. 

It  was  at  this  period  of  the  crisis  that  large  sums 
of  money  were  remitted  to  Constantinople,  not  only 
to  the  credit  of  the  Ottoman  Government,  but  also 
to  the  account  of  Enver  Pasha,  the  Sheikh-ul-Islam, 
and  several  influential  members  of  the  Committee 
of  Union  and  Progress.  It  became  known  also  that 
a  German  mission,  headed  by  an  officer  of  high  mili- 
tary rank  (General  Liman  von  Sanders),  was  about 
to  start  for  Turkey,  to  be  placed  at  the  service  of 
the  Sultan  for  the  purpose  of  carrying  on  the  thor- 
ough reorganisation  of  the  Turkish  army  on  Ger- 
man lines. 

Russia  objected  to  this  mission;  she  felt  that  it 
was  a  blow  directed  against  her,  and  that  it  was 
bound  sooner  or  later  to  bring  about  a  rupture  of 
her  relations  with  Turkey,  which  up  to  then  had 
been  quite  tolerable.  The  Russian  Ambassador  in 
Constantinople,  M.  de  Giers,  though  not  exactly  a 
Talleyrand,  was  an  excellent  and  conscientious  dip- 
lomat of  much  experience,  who  knew  the  East  very 
well  and  the  Turks  even  better.  He  hastened  to 
write  to  his  Government  that  this  interference  of 
Germany  in  the  internal  affairs  of  the  Ottoman  Em- 
pire was  certain  to  bring  about  most  unpleasant  and 
perhaps  even  unexpected  results.  M.  Sazonov  then 
asked    the    German    Ambassador    in    Petersburg 


240  THE  NEAR  EAST  FROM  WITHIN 

(Count  de  Pour  tales)  for  an  explanation.  He  was 
told  that  there  was  no  intention  on  the  part  of  the 
Berlin  Cabinet  to  interfere  in  any  way  whatsoever 
in  the  administration  of  the  Turkish  Empire,  and 
that  the  mission  of  General  von  Sanders  was  only  a 
continuation  of  the  one  which  had  previously  been 
controlled  by  Field-Marshal  von  der  Goltz.  He  was 
further  assured  that  the  mission  was  of  a  purely 
military  character,  and  that  the  officers  about  to 
start  for  Constantinople  had  been  ordered  to  resign 
their  commissions  in  the  German  army  before  of- 
fering their  services  to  the  Sultan.  He  spoke  in  the 
most  conciliatory  terms,  and  even  ofifered  to  restrict 
the  activity  of  General  von  Sanders  to  Asia  Minor, 
where  he  would  command  raw  recruits,  and  thus 
not  be  in  a  position  to  influence  things  at  Constanti- 
nople and  in  European  Turkey,  where  the  greater 
part  of  the  Ottoman  forces  were  quartered. 

The  Russian  Foreign  Office  accepted  the  explana- 
tions of  Count  de  Pourtales,  and  orders  were  given 
to  the  newspapers  not  to  criticise  the  subject  of  the 
mission  of  General  von  Sanders  any  further.  The 
Tsar  personally  was  absolutely  convinced  of  the  pa- 
cific dispositions  of  his  Imperial  cousin  at  Berlin. 
The  British  Government,  too,  for  some  reason  or 
other,  thought  it  better  to  pass  in  silence  the  de- 
parture of  so  many  German  officers  for  Constanti- 
nople. 

A  month  or  two  afterwards,  in  June,  the  Em- 
peror William  II.  invited  a  British  squadron  to 
visit  him  at  Kiel,  and  showed  himself  more  than 


BRITISH  SQUADRON  AT  KIEL      241 

usually  polite  toward  its  commanding  officer,  Ad- 
miral Sir  George  Warrender.  Indeed,  the  Em- 
peror William  expressed  the  desire  to  be  allowed, 
in  his  character  of  British  admiral,  to  review  the 
squadron.  At  the  dinner  which  he  gave  in  honour 
of  the  occasion  the  Emperor  spoke  in  a  most  flat- 
tering manner  of  the  pleasure  he  had  experienced 
in  being  able  to  welcome  at  his  table  officers  belong- 
ing to  the  glorious  British  Fleet.  Curiously  enough, 
at  the  same  moment  another  squadron  of  the  Brit- 
ish Fleet  was  being  entertained  at  Petersburg. 

It  was  during  the  visit  of  the  British  squadron 
to  Kiel  that  the  assassination  of  the  Archduke 
Franz  Ferdinand  took  place  at  Sarajevo.  A  few 
days  later,  just  before  he  started  for  Norway,  Wil- 
liam II.  caused  a  ciphered  message  to  be  forwarded 
to  Enver  Pasha,  who  in  obedience  thereto  hastened 
to  Berlin.  He  spent  two  days  in  conference  with 
General  Moltke,  the  chief  of  the  German  staff,  but 
did  not  see  the  Emperor.  It  was  only  much  later 
that  I  heard  anything  about  this  incident,  which 
had  a  far  greater  significance  than  one  could  have 
supposed  at  the  time.  I  did  not  happen  to  be  in 
Berlin  during  the  brief  visit  of  Enver  Pasha;  what 
I  heard  about  it,  therefore,  did  not  enlighten  me  as 
to  the  real  nature  of  the  instructions  which  had 
been  given.  Later  on  it  was  reported  to  me  that, 
immediately  after  his  return  to  Constantinople, 
Enver  Pasha  began  to  make  military  preparations. 
One  significant  action  was  that  he  had  the  old  forts 
that  guarded  the  entrance  of  the  Dardanelles  re- 


242  THE  NEAR  EAST  FROM  WITHIN 

paired  and  armed  with  German  artillery.  These 
proceedings  did  not  escape  the  vigilant  eyes  of  the 
ambassadors  of  the  Allied  Powers,  but  it  was  im- 
possible to  prevent  them  being  carried  out. 

Whilst  all  this  was  going  on,  and  the  first  bat- 
tles in  France  and  in  East  Prussia  were  being 
fought,  Turkey  preserved  a  quiet  and  unassuming 
attitude.  So  demure  she  seemed  that  M.  de  Giers 
reported  to  his  Government  that  perhaps  he  might 
yet  be  mistaken  in  his  fears  that  she  intended  to 
begin  hostilities  against  Russia.  The  only  person 
who  saw  quite  clearly  what  was  going  to  happen, 
but  who  also  was  quite  powerless  to  stop  the  catas- 
trophe, was  the  British  Ambassador,  Sir  Louis 
Mallet,  who,  as  his  despatches  have  revealed,  gave 
proof  of  the  greatest  foresight  and  political  sa- 
gacity. 

In  the  meantime  Marshal — no  longer  General — 
Liman  von  Sanders  was  drawing  back  into  Euro- 
pean Turkey  the  numerous  regiments  that  had  been 
equipped  and  drilled  in  the  plains  of  Asia  Minor, 
and  carefully  following  with  his  spies  the  move- 
ments of  the  Russian  troops  in  the  Caucasus.  When 
the  greater  number  of  those  that  were  quartered  in 
that  part  of  the  country  had  been  withdrawn,  he 
reported  to  head-quarters  at  Berlin  that  he  was 
ready  for  any  emergency.  Was  it  a  coincidence  or 
a  definite  plot  that  Turkey  should  choose  a  few  days 
after  the  Marshal's  report  as  the  moment  to  bom- 
bard from  her  ships  several  towns  on  the  Caucasian 
littoral?    It  was  before  war  had  been  declared,  and 


I 


AN  EYE  ON  THE  SUEZ  CANAL     243 

Turkey  made  excuses  for  her  act.  It  was  whis- 
pered in  Petersburg  that  she  had  been  encouraged 
by  disaffection  in  the  Caucasus,  where  the  Russian 
Government  had  uncovered  a  vast  conspiracy,  but 
I  was  never  able  to  confirm  absolutely  the  truth  of 
this  report. 

Before  Turkish  vessels  had  opened  fire  on  Rus- 
sian ships  and  bombarded  peaceful  towns  such  as 
Odessa  or  Batoum  there  had  been  many  important 
conferences  between  Enver  Pasha  and  the  German 
.\mbassador,  Baron  von  Wangenheim.  The  Baron 
told  Enver  Pasha  that  Turkey  could  be  promised 
no  compensation  or  reward  in  the  Balkans;  any- 
thing in  that  direction  would  be  too  productive  of 
further  trouble,  as  Roumania,  Austria,  Servia,  and 
Bulgaria  all  held  strong  views  on  Balkan  matters. 
There  remained,  therefore,  only  Egypt,  Algeria, 
and  the  Russia  provinces  forming  part  of  the  Cau- 
casus. Egypt  especially  was  the  one  point  upon 
which  both  Germany  and  Enver  Pasha,  who  with 
the  Committee  of  Union  and  Progress  represented 
the  only  party  in  the  Ottoman  Empire  who  had  any- 
thing to  say  as  to  its  future  destinies,  could  agree 
with  alacrity. 

It  may  sound  dishonourable  foi  one  in  my  posi- 
tion to  say  so,  but  the  world  will  guess  the  truth 
ere  long,  that  Marshal  Liman  von  Sanders  had  been 
given  special  instructions  regarding  that  part  of  the 
campaign  which  aimed  at  the  Suez  Canal,  and  a 
number  of  German  staff  officers  had  been  put  at  his 
disposal  for  the  purpose  of  organising  a  raid  on 


244  THE  NEAR  EAST  FROM  WITHIN 

Egyptian  territory  at  the  first  opportune  moment. 
Meanwhile  it  was  settled  that,  in  the  case  of  a  vic- 
torious war,  the  Khedive  Abbas  Hilmi  was  to  accept 
a  half-Turkish,  half-German  garrison,  and  that 
Egypt,  though  nominally  still  under  the  suzerainty 
of  the  Sultan,  was  to  be  given  a  German  adminis- 
tration and  to  become  to  all  purposes  practically  a 
German  colony.  In  exchange  for  this  concession, 
Turkey  was  to  receive  all  the  money  that  she,  or 
rather  Enver  Pasha,  required;  he — Enver  Pasha 
— was  ultimately  to  become  life  governor  of  Egypt, 
Abbas  being  retired  into  private  life  with  a  hand- 
some pension.  Apart  from  this,  Kars  was  to  be 
restored  to  Turkey,  Algeria  and  some  British  prov- 
inces of  India  were  to  become  Turkish  colonies,  and 
Constantinople  was  to  be  made  a  neutral  city.  Such 
were  the  broad  lines  of  the  arrangement  which  was 
concluded. 

I  have  given  my  thoughts  at  some  length  on  this 
Turkish  episode,  as  it  seems  to  me  to  be  instructive 
from  more  than  one  point  of  view,  the  most  striking 
of  which  is  that  it  proves  the  absolute  premeditation 
with  which  the  present  war  was  prepared.  If  only 
from  this  exclusive  point  of  view,  the  action  of  the 
Emperor  William  II.  deserves  to  be  considered  with 
a  particular  attention,  because  it  is  pregnant  with 
consequences  impossible  to  foresee  at  present,  but 
which  may  in  time  not  inconceivably  bring  about 
the  utter  fall  of  the  German  Empire. 


CHAPTER  XXIII 

EGYPT  IN  THE  BALANCE 

GERMAN  designs  received  a  distinct  set- 
back when  the  British  Government,  a  few 
months  ago,  deposed  Abbas  Hilmi  and  ele- 
vated the  Khedivial  chair  into  the  throne  of  a  Sul- 
tan. Hussein  Kemal,  on  whom  the  honoured  posi- 
tion was  conferred,  is  a  man  of  considerable  culture, 
an  ardent  patriot,  and  a  staunch  supporter  of  Brit- 
ish rule.  He  is  the  second  son  of  the  late  Khedive 
Ismail,  and  uncle,  therefore,  to  the  deposed  Abbas 
Hilmi.  Prince  Hussein  had  been  suspected  more 
than  once,  even  in  the  lifetime  of  his  father  and 
later  on  during  the  reign  of  his  brother,  Tewfik 
Pasha,  of  having  plotted  with  the  idea  of  being  in- 
stalled as  ruler  of  Egypt.  From  what  I  know  per- 
sonally of  Prince  Hussein,  I  do  not  believe  he  would 
have  lent  himself  to  the  overthrow  of  either  his 
father  or  his  brother,  but  I  have  no  doubt  that  he 
would  have  liked  a  share  in  the  administration  of 
Egypt  rather  than  being  kept  studiously  in  the  back- 
ground, as  was  the  case  for  a  considerable  number 
of  years.  He  was  an  honest  man,  loved  Egypt,  and, 
to  put  it  bluntly,  was  not  such  a  fool  as  to  remain 
blind  to  all  that  Egypt  had  gained  since  the  British 
had  established  themselves  in  the  land  and  taken 

245 


246  THE  NEAR  EAST  FROM  WITHIN 

upon  themselves  the  development  of  her  huge  re- 
sources. More  than  once  he  had  urged  on  his 
nephew  Abbas  the  necessity  of  remaining  in  accord 
with  England.  The  Khedive,  however,  was  entirely 
under  the  influence  of  Turkey  and  of  his  many  Ger- 
man friends,  and  continued  fatuously  to  dream  of 
the  overthrow  of  British  rule. 

Despite  the  vehemence  of  his  protestations  of 
sympathy  with  Enver  Pasha,  the  Turkish  leader 
had  not  the  slightest  intention  of  upholding  Abbas 
Hilmi  beyond  a  certain  point.  Mohammed  V.  sim- 
ply did  not  count  either  way.  The  only  person  who 
felt  any  affection  for  Abbas,  and  who  still  supported 
him,  was  old  Abdul  Hamid,  whose  heart  he  had 
managed  to  conquer  and  to  retain,  and  who,  as  I 
have  told  in  an  earlier  chapter,  had  supplied  his 
protege  with  money  on  more  than  one  occasion. 
Abbas  professed  sound  Moslem  principles  and  de- 
clared himself  against  the  innovations  brought 
along  by  the  party  that  had  overthrown  Abdul 
Hamid,  and  the  latter,  therefore,  felt  grateful  to 
him  for  it.  Abdul  had  done  his  best  for  Abbas 
Hilmi  and  often  advised  him  as  to  what  he  was  to 
do,  giving  him  the  benefit  of  his  long  experience  in 
political  matters.  Unfortunately,  he  did  not  find  a 
docile  pupil.  Abbas  could  not  be  honest  even  with 
the  one  man  who  had  befriended  him,  and  he  had 
simply  flattered  the  old  Sultan  because  he  hoped  to 
inherit  part  of  the  large  fortune  which  he  knew  the 
latter  had  contrived  to  place  in  safety  beyond  the 
reach  of  the  cupidity  of  Enver  Pasha.    He  was  a 


ABBAS  HILMI  IN  CONSTANTINOPLE    247 

very  shrewd  young  man  in  what  concerned  his  ma- 
terial interests,  and  showed  more  sagacity  in  that 
respect  than  in  political  matters.  When  he  saw  that 
his  position  was  no  longer  secure  at  Cairo  he  man- 
aged to  mortgage  his  estates  up  to  the  hilt,  so  as  to 
get  out  of  them  all  that  he  could  previous  to  the 
sequestration  which  he  knew  was  unavoidable  when 
the  eyes  of  England  came  to  be  opened  in  regard  to 
his  conduct.  When  he  left  Cairo  in  the  spring  of 
19 14  on  his  annual  holiday  to  Constantinople,  he 
took  away  with  him  nearly  the  whole  of  the  furni- 
ture of  the  Abdin  Palace,  having  rather  more  than 
a  presentiment  that  he  would  not  be  allowed  to 
return. 

Having  little  discretion,  he  had  been  foolish 
enough  more  than  once  to  tell  his  friends  that  he 
had  managed  to  get  into  the  good  graces  and  favour 
of  the  German  Emperor,  and  that  he  could  rely  on 
his  protection  should  any  difficulties  arise  between 
him  and  the  English  Agent,  Lord  Kitchener;  and 
somehow,  even  before  the  question  of  his  deposi- 
tion was  ever  raised,  the  impression  had  got  round 
Cairo  that  his  departure  for  his  usual  holidays 
meant  a  permanent  absence. 

When  I  wrote  the  lines  in  which  I  described  the 
trend  of  affairs  toward  a  possible  Turkish  aggres- 
sion on  Suez,  I  did  not  think  that  a  bold  stroke  of 
English  diplomacy  would  have  cut  the  Gordian  knot 
of  a  situation  that  was  full  of  danger,  by  showing 
Abbas  Hilmi  that  he  must  pay  the  penalty  of  trying 
to  be  too  clever.    My  last  expectation  was  that  the 


248  THE  NEAR  EAST  FROM  WITHINl 

Cabinet  in  London  would  so  neatly  checkmate  the 
Emperor  William  II.  and  his  influence  in  Turkey. 

What  I  wrote  in  the  earlier  pages  of  this  book 
when  touching  upon  the  subject  of  Germany's  de- 
signs on  Egypt  I  can  only  repeat.  I  will  maintain 
my  cry  of  warning,  for  I  know  that  nothing  has 
changed  the  intentions  of  the  Emperor.  He  is  de- 
termined to  lend  to  weak,  tottering  Turkey  and  her 
unprincipled  Government  all  the  aid  possible,  as  he 
believes  that  Turkey  alone,  by  calling  on  the  forces 
of  Islam  all  over  the  world,  can  shatter  the  founda- 
tions of  the  British  Empire. 

One  of  the  main  reasons  why  Germany  has  be- 
gun this  iniquitous  war  is  that  she  must  expand. 
Unfortunately,  she  has  not  realised  the  secret  of 
true  colonial  government.  Germany's  idea,  whether 
at  home  or  abroad,  consists  of  a  military  organisa- 
tion reinforced  by  vexatious  police  espionage,  and 
autocratic  methods.  Militarism  was  introduced  by 
Prince  Bismarck,  and  the  weight  of  his  powerful 
personality  caused  it  to  take  deep  root  into  the 
whole  country.  But  Prince  Bismarck  was  a  genius, 
and  he  proved  it  by  the  manner  in  which  he  con- 
ducted the  two  great  wars  through  which  Germany 
won  her  unity.  They  were  cruel  but  not  ferocious 
wars ;  they  were  ruthless,  but  they  did  not  disgrace 
civilisation,  nor  did  Germany  blush  beneath  the  rep- 
robation of  a  shocked  and  outraged  world,  as  now 
she  has  cause  to  do. 

To  come  back  to  the  fate  of  the  Khedive  Abbas 
Hilmi.    This  unfortunate  victim  of  his  own  ambi- 


ABBAS  HILMI  IN  A  DILEMMA      249 

tion  and  presumption  did  not  experience  the  dismay 
that  might  have  been  expected  when  he  heard  that 
he  had  been  dispossessed  of  his  throne.  He  had  un- 
bounded confidence  in  the  power  of  Turkey,  backed 
by  Germany,  to  reinstate  him,  and  he  confided  to 
his  friends  that  he  was  not  altogether  sorry  at  the 
turn  that  events  had  taken,  because  they  would  give 
him  the  right,  when  he  was  back  again  at  Cairo,  to 
get  rid  of  his  troublesome  uncle,  Prince  Hussein, 
whose  usurpation  had  been  sanctioned  by  his  enemy 
England.  He  fully  believed  himself  to  be  a  martyr, 
and  the  German  and  Austrian  Cabinets  declared 
that  he  had  been  the  victim  of  his  honesty. 

In  Constantinople  his  conduct  was  warmly  ap- 
proved, and  he  was  represented  to  the  population 
as  one  who  suflFered  for  the  cause  of  Islam.  Never- 
theless, when  he  wanted  to  settle  permanently — or 
at  least  until  the  dawn  of  better  days — in  his  palace 
at  Constantinople,  he  was  politely  told  that  his  pres- 
ence there  might  become  a  source  of  embarrassment 
to  the  Turkish  Government.  He  was  offered  the 
choice  of  two  alternatives:  to  accept  the  command 
of  the  Turkish  corps  destined  to  march  against 
Suez,  or  else  to  travel  abroad.  Abbas  had  no  in- 
tention whatsoever  of  exposing  himself  to  the  dan- 
gers of  an  expedition,  though  he  was  fond  of  say- 
ing that  he  was  ready  to  shed  the  last  drop  of  his 
blood  for  the  sake  of  the  sacred  principles  of  Islam. 

The  ex-Khedive  then  decided  that  it  would  be 
best  to  go  to  Vienna,  where  he  received  a  warm 
welcome  from  Count  Berchtold  and  also  from  the 


250  THE  NEAR  EAST  FROM  WITHIN 

old  Emperor.  He  was  also  made  much  of  by  Vien- 
nese Society.  But  when  it  came  to  going  to  Berlin 
it  was  hinted  to  Abbas  at  the  German  Embassy  in 
Vienna  that,  the  Emperor  not  being  in  his  capital, 
his  visit  had  better  be  postponed.  When  the  ex- 
Khedive  offered  to  visit  William  II.  at  his  head- 
quarters in  the  field — where  already  two  Turkish 
princes,  nephews  of  the  Sultan,  had  been  affably  re- 
ceived— he  was  again  discomfited. 

The  fact  was  that  the  Emperor  William  was  per- 
fectly well  aware  that  the  ex-Khedive  would  not 
hesitate  to  act  toward  Germany  as  he  had  to  Eng- 
land, and,  furthermore,  Abbas  now  possessed  abso- 
lutely no  personal  influence  over  public  opinion  in 
Egypt.  The  ex- Khedive,  finding  himself  repulsed 
by  the  very  person  whose  advice  he  had  been  fol- 
lowing blindly,  wandered  in  the  south  of  Germany 
and  the  north  of  Italy.  Meanwhile  he  wrote  to 
Enver  Pasha  to  know  what  he  was  to  do.  Enver 
Pasha  told  him  to  return  to  Constantinople. 

Such  is  the  situation  as  it  presents  itself  at  the 
moment  of  writing  so  far  as  Turkey,  the  Balkans, 
and  the  region  of  the  Nile  are  concerned.  I  will 
not  mention  the  various  intrigues  that  are  steadily 
going  on  in  Algeria,  Morocco,  India,  and  wherever 
Islam  is  the  prevailing  faith.  In  the  great  struggle 
the  German  Emperor  has  not  neglected  one  single 
chance  nor  hesitated  to  adopt  any  means,  so  long 
as  his  plans  were  forwarded.  Among  the  dupes 
whom  he  has  made  to  suffer  the  ex-Khedive  Abbas 


AN  UNBURDENED  SOUL  251 

Hilmi  occupies  a  foremost  place;  it  is  not  at  all 
unlikely  that  the  next  will  be  Enver  Pasha. 

My  work  is  done.  I  have  tried  to  put  down  in 
this  book  all  that  I  know  and  much  that  I  suspect 
concerning  the  great  events  which  are  shaking  the 
whole  world  at  the  moment  I  write. 

I  shall  not  be  forgiven  for  having  revealed  what 
I  learned  on  the  subject  of  this  vast  conspiracy,  but 
at  least  I  have  the  comfort  of  an  unburdened  soul. 


INDEX 


Abbas  Hilmi,   Khedive,  28,   109 

et  seq. 
and  Abdul  Hamid,  28,  113, 

246 

and  Enver  Pasha,  116 

Austria's     views     of     his 

deposition,  250 

deposition  of,  245,  249 

general  mistrust  of,  116,  117 

German    sympathy    at    his 

deposition,  249 

Germany's     conditions     to, 

243,  244 

repulsed  by  William  II.,  250 

Abdul  Hamid,  Sultan,  i  et  seq. 
,  an  interview  with  the  Ger- 
man Emperor,  5-6,  9 

and   Abbas   Hilmi,  28,    113 

et  seq.,  246 

and    his    brother    Mehmed 

Rechad    (afterwards    Moham- 
med v.),  27,  40,  41 

and  his  sister  Mediha  Sul- 

tane,  42  et  seq. 

and  the  howling  dervishes 

of  Constantinople,  104 

and    Turkey's    part   in    the 

Great  War,  27 

as  politician,  3 

,  author's  impressions  of,  2 

,  Baron  von  Bieberstein  and, 

10 
,  Baron     von     Wangenheim 

and,  69 


^.bdul  Hamid  degrades  Enver 
Bey,  23 

,  deposition  of,  25,  34-3S.  45 

. ,   Eastern  fatalism  of,  25 

frustrates  an  alliance  with 

Germany,  95 

his    fear    of    assassination, 

8,  24 

his  immense  wealth,  25,  26, 

246 

,  his  love  of  money,  11,  24 

,  strained  relations  with  Wil- 
liam II.,  44 

,  the  German  sympathies  of, 

27 

• ,  the  Imperial  harem  of,  n 

Adrianople,  Turkey  and,  47,  61, 
79,    189,   237,  238 

Albania,  236 

Albert  Edward,  Prince  of  Wales, 

17 
Alexander,  King  of  Servia,  168 
et  seq.,  184 

and  his  mother,  164  et  seq. 

assumes  conduct  of  Govern- 
ment, 170 

meets     Madame     Maschin, 

172 

murder    of,    151,    167,    175, 

178 

Alexander,  Prince  of  Batten- 
berg,  219,  221 

Alexander  III.,  Tsar,  160,  163, 
221 

and  Nicholas  I.,  of  Monte- 
negro, 208 


253 


254 


INDEX 


Alexander  III.  and  the  ruler  of 
Bulgaria,  221,  225 

,  death  of,  226,  228 

Armenians,  the,  and   Russia,  86 

Arsene  Karageorgevitch,  Prince, 
179 

Asia  Minor,  threatened  Russian 
invasion  of,  9 

Athens,  the  court  life  at,  202 

Austria  annexes  Bosnia  and 
Herzegovina,  93,  135,  154,  214 

Austria,  Emperor  Francis  Jo- 
seph of,  93,  150,  225,  249 

Austrian  envoy,  the,  and  Queen 
Draga,   176 

Austria's  attitude  in  the  Bul- 
garian-Servian War,  187 


B 


Bagdad  Railv^^ay,  the,  conceded 

to  the  Germans,  10 
Baksheesh,  25,  36,  53,  ^^ 
Balkan  crisis,  the,  120 

problem,     the,     and     Ger- 
many, 199 

vicars,  the,  38,  47,  58,  218,  237 

Balkans,  the,  Russian  policy  in, 

136 
Batoum,    bombardment    of,    by 

Turks,  243 
Battenberg,     Prince     Alexander 

of,  219,  220 
,  Prince  Francis  Joseph  of, 

210 

,  Prince  Henry  of,  210 

Beatrice,  Princess,  marriage  of, 

210 
Belgrade,    the    Archbishop    of, 

163. 
Berchtold,  Count,  137,  154 
,  welcomes  Abbas  Hilmi  in 

Vienna,  249 


Berlin  Congress,  the,  64 

Court,  the,  and  the  Quiri- 

nal,  211 

,  the  Tsar's  visit  to,  119 

Beylerbey,  Abdul  Hamid  at,  28, 
50 

Bieberstein,  Baron  Marschall 
von,  6,  10,  83 

,  an  Imperial  recommenda- 
tion of  Enver  Bey,  56 

and    Abdul    Hamid,    10   et 

seq. 

and  Enver  Bey,  22,  56 

and     King     Ferdinand     of 

Bulgaria,  93-4 

and  the  howling  dervishes 

of      Constantinople,      103      et 
seq. 

and   the   plot   against    Me- 

diha  Sultane,  44-5 

and  the  Young  Turk  Party, 

44 

,  appointed  to  Constanti- 
nople, 18,  92,  114 

,  appointed  to  the  Embassy 

in  London,  48,  95 

,  death  of,  48,  95 

,  description  of,  95 

,  his  intimate  relations  with 

Abbas  Hilmi,  114 

,  his      relations     with     the 

Sheikh-ul-Islam,    103 

,  his  successor  at  the  Su- 
blime  Porte,  69 

,  secret  allies  of,  11  et  seq. 

,  the    confidant    of    William 

II.,  9-10 

warns  Abdul   Hamid  of  a 

conspiracy,  24 

Bismarck,  Prince,  and  German 
militarism,   248 

and  the  King  of  Roumania, 

128,  133  et  seq. 


INDEX 


255 


Bismarck  and  the  question  of  a 
Roumanian  monarchy,  128,  133 
et  seq. 

,  dismissal  of,  133 

,  his  contempt  for  the  Turk, 

89 

Bompard,  M.  Louis,  98-9 

Boris,  Crown  Prince,  the  re- 
baptism  of,  227  et  seq. 

Bosnia,  annexation  of,  93,  135, 
154.  214 

Bouillon,  Godfrey  de,  the  Kai- 
ser and,  75 

Bourbon-Parme,  Princess  Marie 
Louise  of,  223 

British  Government,  the,  and 
the  German  mission  to  Con- 
stantinople, 240 

depose  Abbas  Hilmi,  245 

Brunswick,  the  Duke  of,  119,  138 
Bucharest,   author's   impressions 

of,  140  et  seq. 

,  peace  signed  at,  60,  189 

,  the  Treaty  of,  127,  142,  218 

Bulgaria  and  Adrianople,  47 

and  Turkey,  66 

Bulgaria,  Crown  Prince  Boris  of, 

227  et  seq. 

Bulgaria,  King  Ferdinand  of, 
59,  66,  69,  94,  120,  123,  218 
et  seq. 

,  the  Jesuits  in,  67 

,  war      with      Servia      and 

Greece,   187 

Bulgarian  atrocities,  the,  102 

Byzantium.  (C/.  Constantino- 
ple) 

C 

Carmen  Sylva.    (C/.  Elizabeth, 

Queen  of  Roumania) 
Carol,   King  of   Roumania,   120, 

127  et  seq. 


Carol,    a    field-marshal    in    the 

Russian  army,  136 
,  a  letter  from  William  IL, 

138 
,  advises  the  Kaiser  to  take 

a  "soothing  mixture,"  148 
,  and   Bismarck,   128,   133  et 

seq. 
,  and    William    IL,    133    et 

seq. 

,  author  visits,  144  et  seq. 

,  death  of,  129,  139 

,  his    efforts    to    avoid    the 

Great  War,  139 

,  his  financial  genius,  129 

,  speaks  his  mind,  146  et  seq. 

Cetinje,  author's  visit  to,  212  et 

seq. 
Charles  of  Hohenzollern,  Prince. 

(Cf.  Carol,   King  of   Rouma- 
nia) 
Christians  in  Turkey,  Russia  and 

the,  64  et  seq. 

,  William  IL  and  the,  68 

Church  of  Rome,  the,  65,  67,  227 

et  seq. 
Church  of  the  Holy  Sepulchre, 

the,  William  II.  visits,  75-6 
Clementine,  Princess  of  Orleans, 

219 

and  her  son,  Prince  Ferdi- 
nand, 219  ct  seq. 

and  the  German  Emperor, 

225 

,  death  of,  224,  234 

,  her  religious  instincts  and 

ideals,  67,  219-220,  224,  226,  227 

,  the  virtual  ruler  of  Bul- 
garia, 218,  234 

Committee  of  Union  and  Prog- 
ress, the,  22,  238,  239.  (Cf. 
also  Enver  Bey  and  Young 
Turk  Party) 


256 


INDEX 


Constantin,      Prince,      becomes 

King  of  the  Hellenes,  203 
,  held  responsible  for  defeat 

of  Greek  army,  201 

,  his  education,  199,  201 

,  marries    Princess    Sophie, 

200 
,  strained  relations  with  his 

father,  201 
Constantinople,     Abbas     Hilmi's 

departure  from,  249 
,  ambassadors   at,    18,  88  ei 

seq. 

,  espionage  in,  57 

,  German   influence  in,  82 

,  German    military    missions 

to,  14,  46,  48,  62,  80,  163 

,  intrigue  in,  36  et  passim 

,  life  in,  29  et  seq. 

,  ministers    attacked    in   the 

streets,  60 
,  Russian  influence  in,  64  et 

seq. 

,  Society  in,  30  et  seq. 

,  the    dancing    and    howling 

dervishes  of,  103-4 
,  the    Diplomatic    Corps    in, 

33 
,  the     Greek     O  r  t  h  o  d  ox 

Church  in,  65 
,  the  Greek  Patriarch  of,  67, 

227,  230 
,    the    Roman     Church    in, 

65 

,   the   old   walls   erected   by 

Justinian,  34 

,  the  social  life  of  the  Eu- 
ropean colony  in,  35 

,  William    II.'s    journey    to, 

90 

Conti,  Count,  Italian  Ambassa- 
dor at  Constantinople,  12 

Cromer,  Lady,  112 


Cromer,  Lord,  the  English 
Agent-General  in  Egypt,  109 
et  seq. 


Damad  F^rid  Pasha  Bouchati, 
43 

Damad  Ned  jib,  Pasha,  42-3 

Dancing  dervishes  of  Constanti- 
nople, the,  103 

Danilo,  Crown  Prince,  207 

Dardanelles  forts,  the,  Enver 
Pasha's  activities,  241 

De  Giers,  M.,  66,  69,  99,  239,  242 

,  and  the  Prusso-Turkish  al- 
liance, 71 

,  his  ideas  of  Moslem  friend- 
ship, 71 

,  opposes      appointment     of 

General  von  Sanders,  71 

Denmark,  the  King  and  Queen 
of,  202 

Diplomatists  at  the  Sublime 
Porte,  88  et  seq. 

Draga,  Queen,  an  anonymous 
letter  to,  177 

,  an  emissary  from  the  Kai- 
ser, 174 

,  appointed     lady-in-waiting 

to  ex-Queen  Natalie,  172 

,  divorced     from     her    first 

husband,  172 

,  marries    the    young    King 

Alexander,  173  et  seq. 

,  murder  of,  151,  175,  178 


Egypt,  Abbas  Hilmi,  Khedive  of, 
28,  109,  1 16-7,  243,  244,  24s,  246, 
249,  250 

,  Germany's  designs  on,  248 


INDEX 


257 


Egypt,  her  future — if  Germany 
victorious,  244 

,  Lord  Cromer  in,  109  et  seq. 

,  Lord   Kitchener  appointed 

Agent  in,  113,  247 

,  Sir  Eldon  Gorst  and,  113 

,  Sultan  Hussein  Kemal,  245 

,   Turkish   plans   for   attack 

of,  243 
Elizabeth,   Queen   of  Roumania, 
144  et  seq. 

,  death  of  her  only  child,  145 

,  her  personality,  144 

,  King     Carol's     admiration 

for,  145 
England    and    the    Suez    Canal, 
no,  115,  117.     (C/.  Suez  Ca- 
nal) 
,  her  apathy  to  Teutonic  in- 
fluence in  Turkey,  15 
Elnver  Bey  (afterwards  Pasha), 
39,  SI,  52-63,  u6,  187,  238 

,  a   ciphered   message   from 

the  Kaiser  to,  241 

,  a  flying  visit  to  Berlin,  86 

,  a  letter  of  recommendation 

from    the    German    Emperor, 
S6 

,  a  note  to  author.  87 

and   the    Turco-Slav    war, 

79 

confers    with    Baron    von 

Wagenheim,  243 

,  his  activities  in  the  Dar- 
danelles, 241 

,  his  conspiracy  against  Ab- 
dul Hamid,  23,  56,  57 

,  his    faith    in    the   Turkish 

army,  59 

,  his   feminine  conquests  in 

Stamboul,  57 

,  his  grudge  against  Russia, 


Enver  Bey,  his  opinion  of  the 
Turkish  army,  54 

,  Marshal  von  Sanders'  co- 
operation with,  81 

on   Abdul   Hamid,   53,   54, 

55 

offers   his    services    to   the 

Kaiser,  61 

,  political  importance  of,  52 

re-organizes     the     Turkish 

army,  60 

,  Turkish  military  attache  at 

Berlin,  52 

,  von  Bieberstein  and,  22 

,  William  H.  and,  39,  56,  62 

(Cf.     also     Young     Turk 

Party) 

Essad  Effendi.     (Cf.  Sheikh-ul- 

Islam) 
Euxinograd,  the  Palace  of,  221 


Ferdinand,  King  of  Bulgaria,  59y 
66,  94,  120,  123,  218  et  seq. 

,  a  reconciliation  with  Mo- 
hammed v.,  69 

,  and  the  invasion  of  Servia, 

85-6 

,  and  the  Jesuits,  67 

,  and  the  reunion  of  the  Na- 
tional Bulgarian  Church  with 
Rome,  228 

,  election   of,   as    Prince   of 

Bulgaria,  220 

,  his  desire  to  be  Emperor 

of  a  Christian  Turkey,  59,  66-7, 
68,  224 

,  interview  with  the  Em- 
peror Francis  Joseph,  225 

,  intrigues   against,   222 

,  marries     Princess      Marie 

Louise,  223 


258 


INDEX 


Ferdinand,  King,  re-organizes 
the  Bulgarian  army  on  Ger- 
man  lines,  234 

,  visits  the  Tsar,  232-3 

Ferdinand  of  Saxe-Coburg,  162, 
181 

France  and  Turkey,  is  et  seq. 

Francis  Joseph,  Emperor  of 
Austria,  93 

,  and    his    heir-presumptive, 

ISO 

,  interview  with  Prince  Fer- 
dinand of  Bulgaria,  225 

,  receives  Abbas  Hilmi  after 

his  deposition,  250 

Francis  Joseph,  Prince  of  Bat- 
tenberg,  210 

Franco-Russian  agreement,  the, 
18,  78 

Franz   Ferdinand,  Archduke,  94 

,  a  morganatic  marriage,  152 

at  Windsor  Castle,  153,  154 

,  his    friendship    with    King 

Ferdinand  of  Bulgaria,  150 

,  murder  of,  156,   167,  241 

,  strained       relations      with 

William  II.,  151 

,  visited  by  the  Kaiser,  126, 

150  et  seq. 

Frederick,  Archduke,   151 

Frederick  III.,  Emperor,  127 

,  death  of,  200 

,  marriage  of  his  daughter, 

200 

Frederick,  Empress,  200,  201 


Garroni,  Marquis,  100 
George,  Crown  Prince  of  Servia, 

182-3 
,  his    succession    renounced, 

186 


George,  Duke  of  Leuchtenberg, 

209 
George,  King  of  Greece,  assassi- 
nation of,  137,  187,  203,  204 

,  his  nationality,  199 

George   V.,   King,   visits   Berlin, 

120,  121 
German  Crown  Prince,  the,  146, 

148,  149,  196 
German     Emperor,     the.       (C/. 

William  II.) 
German  ex-detective,  a,  head  of 

the   Sultan's   secret   service,  8 
German     financial     circles     and 

Turkey,  78,  79 

intrigues  in  Turkey,  243  et 

passim 

militarism,     Bismarck     the 

founder  of,  248 

,  M.  Hartwig's  opin- 
ions on,  193 

military  missions  to  Tur- 
key, 14,  15,  46,  48,  62,  80,  163, 
239,  240 

overtures  in  the  Near  East : 

an       intercepted       document, 

84 

prestige  in  the  Near  East, 

74  et  seq. 
Germany,   a    factor   in    Turkish 

politics,  14 
,  an    alliance    with    Turkey, 

83-4 

and     the     annihilation     of 

Russian  influence  in  the  Near 
East,  181 

and   the    Bagdad    Railway, 

ID 

and    the    Balkan    problem, 

199 

and    the    Suez    Canal,    no, 

115,    117,    123,    124,    138,    153, 
195.  243 


INDEX 


259 


Germany  desires  alliance  with 
Turkey,  9 

,  her  exports  to  Turkey,  82 

,  interference  in  internal  af- 
fairs of  Turkey,  239 

,  treaty  with  Turkey,  27,  95 

Ghika,  Prince,  166 

Ghika,  Princess,  166,  167,  172 

Goltz,  Marshal  von  der,  remod- 
els the  Ottoman  army,  14,  46, 
48,  80,  89,  240 

Gorst,  Sir  Eldon,  113 

Gortschakov,  Prince,  89 

Great  War,  the,  Germany's  main 
reason  for,  248 

,  its  cause,  156 

,  the  first  battles,  242 

Greco-Turkish  War,  the,  200 

Greece,  181 

and  Bulgaria,  66 

and  German  diplomacy,  198 

and  Turkey,  66 

,  rival  influences  in,   198  et 

seq. 

,  the  war  with  Turkey,  15 

Greek  Christians,  the,  Count  Ig- 

natieff  and,  65-6 
Greek  Orthodox  Church,  the,  67, 

227  et  seq. 
Guentchitch,  M.,  69,  182,  188 


H 


Hartwig,  M.,  Russian  Minister 
in  Belgrade,  188,  190  et  seq. 

,  death  of,  196 

,  his  bete-noire,  190 

,  his  character  study  of  Wil- 
liam II.,  191-2 

Helene,  Princess,  marriage  of, 
210 

Henry,  Prince  of  Battenberg, 
marriage  of,  210 


Herzegovina,  annexation  of,  93, 

135,  154,  214 
Hohenberg,  the  Duchess  of,  126, 
150,  151,  155 

,  at  Windsor  Castle,  153,  154 

,  marries    Archduke    Franz 

Ferdinand,  152 

,  murder  of,  156,  167 

,  William    II.,    and,    152    et 

seq. 
Howling  dervishes  of  Constanti- 
nople, the,  103 

,  Abdul  Hamid  and,  104 

,  Bieberstein  and,  103  et  seq. 

Humbert,  King  of  Italy,  210 
Hussein,  Kemal,  Sultan,  245 


Ignatieff,  Count,  39,  65-6 

Isabella,  Archduchess,  151 

Islamism,   103  et  seq. 

Ismail,  Khedive,  245 

Italian  Royal  Family,  the,  rela- 
tions with  the  Vatican,  210- 11 

Italy,  King  Victor  Emmanuel  of, 
211 

Italy,  the  Queen  of,  210-11 


Jeltsch,  Baron  Saurma  de,  92 
Jerusalem,  the  Kaiser's  cool  re- 
quest, y6 

,  the  Kaiser's  visit  to,  75 

Jesuits,  the,  67,  152,  219,  224,  226, 

227,  230 
Justinian,  Byzantian  walls  of,  34 
Jutta,  Duchess  of  Mecklenburg- 
Strelitz,  207 

K 

Karageorgevitch    dynasty,    the, 
157,  179  et  seq. 


26o 


INDEX 


Kiel,    the    British    squadron    at, 

240,  241 
Kitchener,  Lord,  114,  247 
Konopischt,   the      German   Em- 
peror at,  150  et  seq. 


Latin  and  Greek  Churches,  the 

question  of  reunion  of,  227  et 

seq. 
Ledochowski,   Cardinal,   230 
Leo  XIII,  Pope  229,  230 
Lichnowsky,     Prince      (German 

Ambassador    in    London),    48, 

238 
Livadia,  the  Tsar  visits,  71 
Lobanoff,  Prince,  66,  228 

M 

Majoresco,  M.  T.,  142,  143 

Mallet,  Sir  Louis,  100,  242 

Margherita,  Queen  of  Italy,  210 

Marie  Louise,  Princess  of  Bour- 
bon-Parme,  223,  229,  233 

,  and  the  re-baptism  of  her 

son,  Prince  Boris,  229-230 

,  death  of,  233 

Mary,  Queen,  at  the  wedding  of 
the  Duke  and  Duchess  of 
Brunswick,  119 

Maschin,  Colonel,  172 

Maschin,  Madame  Draga.  (C/. 
Draga,  Queen) 

Mecklenburg-Strelitz,  the  Duch- 
ess of,  207 

Mediha  Sultane,  Princess,  42,  43 

,  Enver  Bey  and,  57 

Mehmed  Rechad  Khan.  (C/. 
Mohammed  V.,  Sultan) 

Metternich,  Count,  48 

Milan,  King  of  Servia,  151,  157 


Milan,  abdication  of,   163 

,  and    the    marriage   of    his 

son  Alexander,  174 

,  as  intermediary  for  Ger- 
many, 163 

,    divorces    Queen    Natalie, 

163 

,  interview     with     his     son 

King  Alexander,  170 

,  reorganises    the    army    on 

German  methods,  163 

,  reunited  to  Queen  Natalie, 

164,  165,  169 

,  unhappy  domestic  rela- 
tions of,  158  et  seq. 

Mohammed  V.,  Sultan,  38  et 
seq. 

,  Abdul  Hamid  and,  27 

and  Enver  Bey,  47 

and  his  sister,  Mediha  Sul- 
tane, 42  et  seq.,  48 

and  the  Moslems,   103-104. 

and  William  II.,  48 

,  appearance  of,  39 

,  author's  conception  of  hig 

personality,    50 

,  election  of,  27 

,  his  Grand  Vizier  assassi- 
nated, 47 

,  his      relations      with      his 

brother,  Abdul  Hamid,  27,  40, 
42 

proclaims  a  Holy  War,  107 

,  reconciliation     with     King 

Ferdinand,  69 

reviews    regiments    off    to 

the  front,  47 

visits    the    deposed    Abdul 

Hamid,  42,  50 

Moltke,  General,  163,  241 
Montebello,    Count    de,    French 
Ambassador  at   Petrograd,   16 
Montenegro,  181 


INDEX 


261 


Montenegro,  a  subsidy  from  the 
Tsar,  209-10 

becomes  a  kingdom,  217 

declares  war  on  Germany, 

217 

,  King  Nicholas  of,  206  et 

seq. 
,  the  failure  of  German  in- 
trigue in,  206 

,  union  of  people  and  ruler 

in,  212 

,  wars  with  Turkey,  208 

Moors,  the,  William  II.  and,  jj 
Morocco,  William  II.  at,  75 


N 


Naples,  Pwncb  of.    (C/.  Victor 

Emmanuel) 
Natalie,  Queen  of  Servia,  157  et 

seq. 

and     her     son,     164     et 

seq. 

,  Belgrade's     enthusiastic 

welcome  to,  165 
,  divorced  from  King  Milan, 

163 
,  her  son  kidnapped,  160 

ineffectually     opposes     her 

son's  marriage,  173 

,  reconciliation    with     King 

Milan,  165,  169 

National  Bulgarian  Church,  the, 
227,     228 

Nazli,  Princess,  112 

Nelidoff,  M.,  6S 

Nicholas  I.,  King  of  Montene- 
gro, 206 

,  author  received  by,  212 

,  his  connection  with  Rus- 
sia, 207 

— — ,  his  daughters,  209,  210 


Nicholas  I.,  King  of  Montene- 
gro, his  influence  over  the 
Slav  races,  206  et  seq. 

,   the   opinion   of   the    Tsar 

Alexander  III.  regarding,  208 

,  visits  William  II.,  217 

Nicholas  I.,  Tsar  of  Russia,  and 
the  mutiny  of  1848,  162 

Nicholas  II.,  Tsar  of  Russia,  68, 
69 

,  a    holograph    letter    from 

the  Kaiser,   121   et  seq. 

,  accession  of,  226 

,  and   Kang  Carol  of   Rou- 

mania,   136 

,  and  the  German  Emperor, 

119  et  seq. 

,  and     the     re-baptism     of 

Prince  Boris,  228  et  seq. 

,  convinced    of    the    pacific 

dispositions  of  the  Kaiser, 
240 

,  his  reply  to  the  Kaiser,  124 

et  seq. 

,  suggests  arbitration  in  the 

Balkan  crisis,  125 

,  visits  Constanza,  139 

Nicolaievitch,  Grand  Duke  Pe- 
ter, 209 

Nobel  Prize,  the,  193 

Nubar  Pasha,  no 

O 

Obrenovttch  dynasty,  the,  157 
Odessa,    Turkish    bombardment 

of,  243 
Olga,  Grand  Duchess,  137,  138 
0\g^,  Queen  of  Greece,  200,  203 


Pallavicini,  Margrave,  96 
Parme,  the  exiled  Duke  of,  223 


262 


INDEX 


Pashitch,  M.,  69,  159,  165,  166, 
176  et  seq.,  181-2,  186,  187,  189 

Pera,  2,  3,  29  et  seq.  (Cf.  Con- 
stantinople) 

Perotes,  the,  29  et  seq. 

Peter  Karageorgevitch,  Prince, 
177 

,  elected  king,  178 

,  marriage  of  his  daughter, 

186 

,  proclamation  of,    180 

,  Servia  under  his  rule,  179 

et  seq. 

Petersburg.     (See  Petrograd) 

Petrograd,  64 

,  King    Nicholas's    frequent 

visits  to,  209,  210 

,  the  British  Fleet  enter- 
tained at,  241 

,  the  French  ambassador  at, 

16 

,  the  Holy  Synod  in,  227 

Pourtales,  Count,  121,  240 

Prussia,  the  military  party  in, 
146 

Q 

QUIRINAL,    the,    211 


Radolin,  Prince,  233 
Radoslavoff,  M.,  220 
Radowitz,    Baron,    German   am- 
bassador    at     Constantinople, 

89-91 

,  transferred  to  Madrid,  91 

Radowitz,  Baroness,  90 
Roman  Church,  the,  67 
,  and    the    question    of    the 

Bulgarian  Church,  227  et  seq. 
Rome,   Pope  Leo  XIII.,  229-30 
Roon,   Field-Marshal,   163 


Roumania,  181 

and  Russia,  134  et  seq. 

,  Crown    Prince    Ferdinand 

of,  140  et  seq. 
,  German     intrigue    against, 

137  et  passim 
,  King  Carol  of,  120,  127  et 

seq. 
,  Queen  Elizabeth  of,  144  et 

seq. 
,  the     Crown     Princess    of, 

140,  142 
Russia,    a    secret    understanding 

with   Servia,  69,   188 
,    Alexander    III.,   Tsar   of, 

160,  163,  208,  221,  225,  226,  228 

and   Christianity,  68 

and  Germany,  16  et  passim 

and  Roumania,  134  et  seq. 

and  Servia,  158  et  seq. 

as  absolute  mistress  of  the 

Black  Sea,  122,  123 

,  Enver  Bey  and,  60 

,  Nicholas   I.,  Tsar  of,   162, 

216 
,  Nicholas   II.,  Tsar  of,  68, 

69,  119,  121,  124,  125,  136,  139, 

226,  228  et  seq. 
,  the    traditional    enemy    of 

Turkey,  51 
Russian  Government  warned  of 

German    intrigues    in    Turkey, 

20 

influence  in  Constantinople, 

64  et  seq. 

support  for  Servia,  69 

Russo-Roumanian  alliance,   fail- 
ure of  the,  139 


Sadowa,  the  battle  of,  128 
St.  Sophia,  the  Cathedral  of. 


INDEX 


263 


an  ancient  prophecy  regarding, 
203 

Salonika,  Abdul-Hamid,  impris- 
oned at,  25,  26,  27 

,  King  George  of  Greece  as- 
sassinated at,  137,  187,  203,  204 

Sanders,  General  (afterwards 
Marshal)  Liman  von,  27,  48, 
62,  71,  239,  240,  242 

,  his  audience  with  the  Kai- 
ser, 80 

,  his  part  in  the  Great  War, 

243 

,  personality  of,  80 

San  Stefano,  the  Peace  of,  (:6 
Sarajevo,    the   tragedy    of,    156, 

241 
Sazonov,  M.,  139,  197,  239 
Schebeko,  M.,  136 
Scutari,  fall  of,  217 
Secret  agents,  a  prince  of,  8 

police  in  Turkey,  7 

Selamlik,  the  ceremony  of  the,  I 

Serb,  an  astute,  20 

Servia,    an    understanding    with 

Russia,  6g,  188 

and  Germany,  181 

and  Russia,   158  et  seq. 

,     Crown     Prince     George, 

182-3,  186 
,  imprisonment  of  Ministers 

in,  164 

,  in  the  'Eighties,  157  et  seq. 

,  invasion   of,   suggested   by 

the  Kaiser,  85 
,  King  Alexander  of,  163    et 

seq. 
,  King   Milan   of,    151,    157, 

158,  163,  164,  165,  174 
,  Queen   Natalie   of,    158  et 

seq. 
,  under  King   Peter,   179  et 

seq. 


Servian  army  remodelled  on 
German  lines,   163 

army  remodelled  on  Rus- 
sian methods,  164 

Sheikh-ul-Islam,  the,  52,  102  et 
seq.,  105  et  seq. 

and  William  II.,  106 

,  his  attitude  at  the  com- 
mencement of  the  Great  War, 
106 

,  his      dislike      of      Abdul 

Hamid,  105 

Slav  races,  the  influence  of 
King  Nicholas  over,  206  et 
seq. 

Smolna,  the  Convent  of,  209 

Sofia,  the  Archbishop  of,  230, 
232 

,  a  message  from  the  Pope, 

230-1 

Sophie,  Princess  (now  Queen 
of  Greece),  181,  200 

Stamboul,  author's  visit  to,  and 
his  conclusions,  49 

,  loss    of    Russian    prestige 

in,  64  et  seq. 

Stambouloff,  M.,  220,  222 

,  murder  of,  223 

Suez,  Turkish  aggression  on, 
247 

Suez  Canal,  the,  German  de- 
signs on,  no,  IIS,  117,  123,  124, 
138,  153,  19s,  243 


Tewfik,  Pasha,  109  et  seq.,  245 
Triple  Alliance,  the,  Servia  and, 

161 

,  Turkey  and,  94 

Triple  Entente,  the,  135,  136 
Turkey,  a  change  for  the  better, 

38 


264 


INDEX 


Turkey,  an  alliance  with  Ger- 
many, 83,  84 

,  an  ex-German  detective  in 

Abdul    Hamid's    household,    8 

and  the  Balkans,  243 

and  the  Great  War,  236  et 

seq. 

at   war   with    Montenegro, 

208 

,  bribery  and  corruption  in, 

25,  36,  53 
— —  declares    war    against    the 

Allies,    27 
,  German     financial     circles 

and,  78,  79 
,  German    military    missions 

to,  IS,  46,  48,  62,  80,  163,  239, 

240 
,  loss  of  French  prestige  in, 

16 

,  morality  in,  36 

,    secret    reorganisation    of, 

21 
,  Sultan  of,   his  mission   to 

greet  the  Tsar,  71 
,  Sultans     of.     (Cf.     Abdul 

Hamid    and    Mohammed    V.) 
,  treaty   with    Germany,   27, 

95 

,  war  with  Greece,  15 

• ,  war  with  Servia  and  Bul- 
garia, 102 
Turkish    army,    the,    remodelled 
on    German   lines,    14,   46,   48, 
62,  80,  163,  239,  240 

politics    under    Mohammed 

v.,  27 

ships  bombard  the  Cauca- 
sian littoral,  240 

Turks,  their  political   faith,   102 

et  seq. 
,  their  tolerance  in  religious 

matters,  102 


Vatican,  the,  and  the  Italian 
Royal   Family,  211 

Venizelos,  M.,  218 

Victor  Emmanuel,  King  of 
Italy,  211 

an  alliance  between  Ger- 
many and  Montenegro,  212 

,  wedding  of,  211 

Victor  Emmanuel.  (Cf.  Naples, 
Prince  of.) 

Victoria,  Empress,  wife  of  Fred- 
erick III.  (See  Frederick, 
Empress.) 

Victoria,  Queen  of  Great  Brit- 
ain and  Ireland,  210 

Villebois,  Dr.  van  der  Does  de, 
100 

W 

Wangenheim,    Baron    von,    69, 

96,  100 
i  confers    with    Enver    Pa- 
sha,  243 
Warrender,  Admiral  Sir  George, 

241 
Wied,     Princess     Elisabeth     of. 

(Cf.  Elizabeth  of  Roumania.) 
William    II.,    German    Emperor, 

a     holograph     letter     to     the 

Tsar,  121  et  seq. 
,  a  quarrel   with   his   sister, 

Princess  Sophie,  200 

,  accession  of,  89 

,  an  indiscreet  speech  by,  77 

,  an    interview    with    Abdul 

Hamid,  5-6,  8 

,  and  Abdul  Hamid,  44 

,  and     Baron     von     Bieber- 

stein,  10  et  seq. 
,  and  Enver  Bey,  39,  56,  62 


INDEX 


265 


William  II.,  German  Emperor, 
and  King  Alexander  of 
Servia,   171 

,  and    King   Carol   of    Rou- 

mania,  134  ei  seq. 

,  and  King  Milan  of  Servia, 

162 

,  and  Mohammed  V.,  48 

,  and  Moslem  Egypt,  109  et 

seq. 

and  the  Christian  commu- 
nities of   Constantinople,  68 

and  the  deposition  of  Ab- 
dul Hamid,  23 

,  and  the  Duchess  of  Hohen- 

berg,  152  et  seq. 

,  and  the  ex-Khedive  Abbas 

Hilmi,  250 

,  and    the    German    Crown 

Prince,  146,  14S,  149,  196 

,  and     the     inevitability     of 

war  with  Russia,  78 

,  and    the    marriage    of   the 

Prince  of  Naples,  210-11 

,  and     the     second     Balkan 

War,  69 

,  and    the    Tsar    of    Russia, 

119  et  seq. 

— — ,  and  the  welfare  of  the 
Turk,  10 

,  and  the  Young  Turk  par- 
ty,  19 

,  at  Konopischt,  \SO  et  seq. 

,  at  Morocco,  77 

,  desires  the  cession  to  Ger- 
many of  Jerusalem,  76 

,  his  belief  in  Turkey,  248 

,  his  charges  against  Eng- 
land, 122  et  seq. 

,  his  hatred  of  Lord  Cro- 
mer, III 

,  his    intense   patriotism,    78 

— — ,  his  opinion  of  Abdul  Ha- 
mid,  17 


William   II.,    German    Emperor, 

,  his  regret  at  fall  of  Adri- 

anople,  79 

,  his  relations  with  his  son, 

146,   148 

,  his    relationship    with    the 

reigning  house  of  Greece,  199 

,  holograph  letters  to  Abdul 

Hamid,  13,  19 

,  invites  a  British  squadron 

to  Kiel,  241 

,  relations   with   King   Fer- 
dinand, 94 

,  snubbed  by  Tsar  Alexan- 
der TIL,  206-7 

,  suggests  invasion  of   Ser- 
vian territory,  85 

,  the  keeper  of  Abdul  Ha- 

mid's  private  purse,  25-6 

,  the  real  ruler  of  Turkey, 

27 

,  visits  Norway,  241 

,  visits  the  Holy  Land,  75 

,   visits    the    Sultan,   68 

Women,  emancipation  of,  7,  42, 
43 

Y 

YiLDiz,  Kiosk,  i,  7,  8 

,  German  secret  allies  in,  ii 

Young  Turk  party,  the,  7,  21,  39 

,  Abdul  Hamid  and,  21-2 

,  depose   and    imprison   Ab- 
dul Hamid,  25,  26 

,  the  leader  of.   (C/.  Enver 

Bey) 

,  William  II.  and,  19 

,  Von  Bieberstein  and,  44 


ZicHY,     Count     Eugene,     162, 

170-1 
Zinovieff,  M.,  66 


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